1.OCT 2009
····· I ···················· n reflecting upon the 60th anniversary of China's Liberation Day, one must use the occasion not only to assess where China may be going to in the global firmament, but also where it has come from. China's history should give the world some idea of its anxieties and aspirations.
When Mao Zedong stated that never would China be humiliated again, as a Chinese nationalist and keen historian, he was acutely aware of China's shamed past.
There are many distinctive (or "unique") characteristics about China. There is, of course, its 4,000-year-old history, its national unity stretching back to the emperor Qin Shi-Huang in the 2nd century BC. But also one must not forget its precipitate decline in the course of the 19th and first half of the 20th centuries.
No nation, no civilization, fell so low from so high so quickly. As the Middle Kingdom, China correctly saw itself as the centre of global civilization. Everything else was, to a greater or lesser extent, barbarian. And this state of affairs also radiated as far as the West. There was an aura about China that greatly captivated Western imagination; this was true not only in the pages of Marco Polo's Travels in the 13th century, and continued in the accounts written by Jesuit missionaries from China in the 16th and 17th centuries, but also in the works of the 18th century Enlightenment philosophers. China was rich in cultural and material terms.
The decline can be gauged from China's global economic standing.
In 1820, China accounted for 33% of global gross domestic product.
By the time Mao entered Beijing, it had fallen to somewhere in the region of 3%. In the interim, China can be said to have been "gang raped". China was repeatedly in vaded--first by the British in 1839 in the First Opium War; then by the British again, this time with the help of the French, in the Second Opium War; then in the ensuing decades by virtually every other Western power. Finally, from the late 19th century onwards, the Jap. anese presence, starting with the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-95, manifested itself most egregiously in the Nanking Massacre of 1937.
Though bits and pieces of the Chinese periphery were colo nized--Hong Kong by the British in 1841, Taiwan in 1895 and Manchu ria in 1931 by the Japanese, with Tibet also being invaded by the British in 1904--mainland China per se, unlike India, was not colo nized. In theory, it remained a sov ereign state. As the leader of the 1911 Revolution and founder of the first Chinese Republic, Sun Yat-sen stated, however, that China had be come a "poly-colony". In other words, no single nation actually colonized China, but multiple na tions cut out their spheres of influ ence and their own neo-colonial outposts. One of the features of these neo-colonial outposts were the "treaty settlements". These consisted of areas reserved for Westerners (and eventually Japanese) and that were under Western and not Chinese jurisdiction and jurisprudence. In reality, China was everybody's puppet state.
After World War I, the Chinese discovered at the Paris Peace Conference that the Germans' Chinese concessions were being secretly handed over to the Japanese. This caused numerous riots and brought together Chinese nationalist reformist intellectuals who founded what came to be known as the May 4th (1919) Movement, which in turn lay the foundations for the establishment of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) two years later. It took an additional 30 years and five months for liberation at the hands of Mao.
Many have argued that though the CCP was undoubtedly Marxist-Leninist (at least initially) and eventually Maoist, it was perhaps above all nationalist. Marxism-Leninism-Maoism was seen as the means to restore China's place in the world and to liberate its people from feudalist and imperialist oppression.
In the first three decades after 1949, there was some very bitter and quite violent ideological infighting between the so-called "capitalist roaders"--the pejorative term for those seen to side with bourgeois ideas--and the Maoist fundamentalists. But the battle remained essentially one of means: What was the best means to restore Chinese greatness?
There was, on the part of the Maoists, a justified fear that if China chose the capitalist road, once again it would be flooded and overwhelmed by neo-imperialist foreign capital. In 1979, as China began liberalizing under Deng Xiaoping, leading reformist intellectual Zheng Bijian noted: "The most important strategic choice the Chinese made was to embrace globalization rather than detach themselves from it." It seems to have been indeed a very wise choice. China has soared in the global economy from virtually nowhere. Not only has it emerged as a major economic power, but it has also resumed its position as a leading global nation.
Once humiliated, China is now highly respected. But while the wounds of the past century and a half of humiliation may have healed, the scars are still there.
This 60th anniversary constitutes an appropriate occasion for everyone, Chinese and non-Chinese, to reflect on the past. While conscious of the many daunting challenges ahead, the West and China (and other nations such as India) must work together. But, in seeking to go forward, ignoring history would be definitely perilous.
Jean-Pierre Lehmann is professor of international political economy at IMD, a business school in Lausanne, Switzerland. Comment at theirview@livemint.com
Wednesday 30 September 2009
PM’s address at the presentation ceremony of Indira Gandhi Prize for Peace, Disarmament and Development
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
13:36 IST
The President of India, Smt. Pratibha Devisingh Patil presented the Indira Gandhi Prize for Peace, Disarmament and Development – 2008 to Dr. Mohamed ElBaradei, Director General, International Atomic Energy Agency in New Delhi today for his impassioned opposition to the use of nuclear energy for military purpose. The Prime Minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh addressed the gathering on the occasion.
Following is the text of the Prime Minister’s address:
“It is a matter of great pleasure to speak at this function which seeks to felicitate Dr Mohamed ElBaradei with the prestigious Indira Gandhi Prize.
This award was instituted in the memory of one of the greatest leaders of India and indeed the modern world. Mrs. Indira Gandhi had an enlightened vision of human progress that grew from her deeply held belief in higher civilizational values cherished by all men and women. She was a powerful voice of the poor and the downtrodden and worked ceaselessly for an international order based on the principle of equality of all nations. In her personal life and work she embodied enormous strength, goodness and grace – human qualities that endeared her to fellow countrymen and inspired people all over the world.
It is therefore befitting that the Indira Gandhi Prize honours those who have made significant contributions to peace, disarmament and development – causes that were so dear to Indiraji.
Today, we honor with this Award a very distinguished diplomat, a scholar, an international civil servant of the highest order and a world statesman. As the Director General of the IAEA since 1998, Dr Mohamed ElBaradei has brought about a fundamental transformation in the way we look at atomic energy. The Nobel Peace Prize in 2005 recognised the efforts of Dr. ElBaradei and the IAEA in ensuring that nuclear energy for peaceful purposes is used in the safest possible manner.
Nuclear energy is vital to meeting our energy and developmental needs, particularly those of large developing countries like India. The applications of nuclear energy in agriculture, medicine and industry have also enormous potential. We need the concerted and collective efforts of the world community to promote the peaceful uses of nuclear energy as widely as possible. Its benefits should not remain confined to a privileged few.
The growth of nuclear energy must go hand in hand with measures to reduce and eliminate risks of its misuse. We should work to strengthen public trust and confidence in issues related to nuclear safety and security.
The IAEA and its Statute weave together these important factors. The international community has a vital stake in strengthening global energy security through the use of nuclear energy as a clean, safe and sustainable energy source. So we should spare no effort in providing the necessary support to the IAEA to perform its functions as provided in its Statute.
India’s long-standing relationship with the IAEA has been spotless. We are committed to providing all the necessary support for the Agency to perform its designated role and functions to facilitate the expansion of nuclear energy.
The IAEA is a technical organization with a justifiable reputation for its competence and fair independence. But it does not work in isolation. During the past decade, the Agency has had to work in a complex international environment.
It is a testimony to Dr Mohamed ElBaradei’s vision, his integrity and his leadership that the Agency has emerged stronger over the years and is now seen as an indispensable international institution.
The role of the IAEA is bound to grow in the years ahead not just in the traditional areas of nuclear energy and applications, but also in helping nations secure themselves against other nuclear dangers, such as those posed by terrorists gaining access to nuclear materials.
Dr ElBaradei has been a vocal champion of nuclear disarmament. He has played an invaluable role in generating the current positive momentum in the ongoing international debate on nuclear disarmament.
He has also spoken eloquently about global efforts at poverty reduction and conflict resolution and shown a deep understanding of the intrinsic links between peace, disarmament and development, ideas which were so dear to Smt. Indira Gandhi’s heart.
The successful conclusion of India’s civil nuclear initiative was in no small measure due to the enlightened approach of Dr ElBaradei to the issues involved. I would like to convey to him the heartfelt appreciation of the Government and people of India. India is now poised for a major expansion of its nuclear programme in which international cooperation will be an important component.
A major milestone in this process was the conclusion of India’s safeguards agreement and its Additional Protocol with the IAEA. This gives India the possibility of additionally accessing a whole range of technologies and resources from the rest of the world. It also enables the global nuclear industry to benefit from India’s technical and industrial expertise.
In conclusion, I congratulate Dr. ElBaradei on the award of the Indira Gandhi Prize for Peace, Disarmament and Development. I take this opportunity to wish him a long and productive life and one of continuing service to humankind.”
****
AKT/SH/LV
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
13:36 IST
The President of India, Smt. Pratibha Devisingh Patil presented the Indira Gandhi Prize for Peace, Disarmament and Development – 2008 to Dr. Mohamed ElBaradei, Director General, International Atomic Energy Agency in New Delhi today for his impassioned opposition to the use of nuclear energy for military purpose. The Prime Minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh addressed the gathering on the occasion.
Following is the text of the Prime Minister’s address:
“It is a matter of great pleasure to speak at this function which seeks to felicitate Dr Mohamed ElBaradei with the prestigious Indira Gandhi Prize.
This award was instituted in the memory of one of the greatest leaders of India and indeed the modern world. Mrs. Indira Gandhi had an enlightened vision of human progress that grew from her deeply held belief in higher civilizational values cherished by all men and women. She was a powerful voice of the poor and the downtrodden and worked ceaselessly for an international order based on the principle of equality of all nations. In her personal life and work she embodied enormous strength, goodness and grace – human qualities that endeared her to fellow countrymen and inspired people all over the world.
It is therefore befitting that the Indira Gandhi Prize honours those who have made significant contributions to peace, disarmament and development – causes that were so dear to Indiraji.
Today, we honor with this Award a very distinguished diplomat, a scholar, an international civil servant of the highest order and a world statesman. As the Director General of the IAEA since 1998, Dr Mohamed ElBaradei has brought about a fundamental transformation in the way we look at atomic energy. The Nobel Peace Prize in 2005 recognised the efforts of Dr. ElBaradei and the IAEA in ensuring that nuclear energy for peaceful purposes is used in the safest possible manner.
Nuclear energy is vital to meeting our energy and developmental needs, particularly those of large developing countries like India. The applications of nuclear energy in agriculture, medicine and industry have also enormous potential. We need the concerted and collective efforts of the world community to promote the peaceful uses of nuclear energy as widely as possible. Its benefits should not remain confined to a privileged few.
The growth of nuclear energy must go hand in hand with measures to reduce and eliminate risks of its misuse. We should work to strengthen public trust and confidence in issues related to nuclear safety and security.
The IAEA and its Statute weave together these important factors. The international community has a vital stake in strengthening global energy security through the use of nuclear energy as a clean, safe and sustainable energy source. So we should spare no effort in providing the necessary support to the IAEA to perform its functions as provided in its Statute.
India’s long-standing relationship with the IAEA has been spotless. We are committed to providing all the necessary support for the Agency to perform its designated role and functions to facilitate the expansion of nuclear energy.
The IAEA is a technical organization with a justifiable reputation for its competence and fair independence. But it does not work in isolation. During the past decade, the Agency has had to work in a complex international environment.
It is a testimony to Dr Mohamed ElBaradei’s vision, his integrity and his leadership that the Agency has emerged stronger over the years and is now seen as an indispensable international institution.
The role of the IAEA is bound to grow in the years ahead not just in the traditional areas of nuclear energy and applications, but also in helping nations secure themselves against other nuclear dangers, such as those posed by terrorists gaining access to nuclear materials.
Dr ElBaradei has been a vocal champion of nuclear disarmament. He has played an invaluable role in generating the current positive momentum in the ongoing international debate on nuclear disarmament.
He has also spoken eloquently about global efforts at poverty reduction and conflict resolution and shown a deep understanding of the intrinsic links between peace, disarmament and development, ideas which were so dear to Smt. Indira Gandhi’s heart.
The successful conclusion of India’s civil nuclear initiative was in no small measure due to the enlightened approach of Dr ElBaradei to the issues involved. I would like to convey to him the heartfelt appreciation of the Government and people of India. India is now poised for a major expansion of its nuclear programme in which international cooperation will be an important component.
A major milestone in this process was the conclusion of India’s safeguards agreement and its Additional Protocol with the IAEA. This gives India the possibility of additionally accessing a whole range of technologies and resources from the rest of the world. It also enables the global nuclear industry to benefit from India’s technical and industrial expertise.
In conclusion, I congratulate Dr. ElBaradei on the award of the Indira Gandhi Prize for Peace, Disarmament and Development. I take this opportunity to wish him a long and productive life and one of continuing service to humankind.”
****
AKT/SH/LV
Nepal's Deteriorating Defense and Foreign Policy
Written by DIRGHA RAJ PRASAI
Since 1990, Nepali congress government is trying to change Nepalese foreign policy one sided, though previously it was quite balanced. More correctly after popular movement of 2005, home, defence and foreign policy of Nepal has been completely failed. Pro-Indian foreign policy is crisis on existence of Nepal. Bhutan is bordered with China. India is always against the good friendly bilateral relationship between China and Bhutan. Bhutan is protected by India. Nepal is also bordered with China. India does not wish friendly bilateral relationship between Nepal and China. Indian leaders frequently visit Nepal. But if any Chinese leader visits Nepal, it becomes matter of headache for India. Actually India wants Nepal under its control.
After the establishment of democracy in Nepal, nationalists protested against unequal treaty of 1950 (made by India) and Delhi agreement. Nepalese people protesting against Delhi Agreement were accused of communists. Communist Party was also banned with same issue. Later in 1956, King Mahendra lifted the ban over the Communist Party. Even after the general election of 1958-59, India did not abandon exhibiting its bad intensions towards Nepal. As the existence of Nepal was endangered, King Mahendra dissolved the Parliament in 1960 and safeguarded the Nepalese nationality. If King would not have been there, the existence of Nepal would have ended up. On the initiation of King Mahendra, Indian army check posts that were kept for security after Delhi Agreement were sent back from northern Nepal. India could not speak because Nepal had very good relationships with China and other world powers. In deed, Nepalese monarch and northern neighbour China have contributed foe saving Nepal.
Initially, India was afraid of communists. Due Chinese terror, India started to use communists. Nepalese communists, being whatever revolutionary, could not get rid of India game. It is said former premier Man Mohan Adhikari was being paid on the name of freedom fighter of India. India understood that Nepali communists can be used in favour of India. After 1990's popular movement, as Congress and UML rise to government, India found open way to interfere in Nepal. But only leader Madan Bhandari of UML protested the Indian imposition. India thought him a barrier and after his murder again India was happy. Still as India could not do as it wanted with Congress and UML, then in 2005 India convinced Maoists and now India is free for naked interference. The intensions of RAW and CIA were unified to destroy United China in the name of Free Tibet since the beginning of 2000. In between Nepal is entrapped. India always tries to maintain its supremacy either in non-aligned foreign policy or in SAARC. So, Nepal needs to resign from non-aligned policy and SAARC.
Chinese are simple and they understand the things slowly. Due to this delayed understanding by China, Nepal is in difficult situation. The strategic unification of RAW and CIA in this region is dangerous indicator for China and Nepal. Therefore China should openly come out to protest the conspiracy of imperialists against Nepal. Chinese communist leader Mao Ze Dong, never took confidence of Nepali communists. He was in favour of Nepalese monarch because monarch always fought against imperialists. Now India is trying to capture Nepal by behaving like Ostrich with China, being broker of US and UN, and using so called Nepalese political parties. Even in 1989, India tried to capture Nepalese foreign, defence and home policies by terrorizing then King Birendra with popular movements. Even India tried to make confused the King Gyanendra with expectation to control movement of 2005. However India was unsuccessful in doing so. Apart from surrendering to foreigners, King Gyanendra happily handed over the power to Nepalese people.
India constructed 40 km long tunnel investing billions of rupees in between Jammu and Srinagar valley. But Kasmiries did not favour India. If Indian interests in Nepal are like that of to Bhutan and Sikkim, India won't be safe. It is because terrorism can be institutionalized in this situation which will be harmful to India. Therefore we warn India to correct itself from such blunders. Indian interest is to make Nepalese defence and foreign policy in accordance to India. Since 2006, Nepal is being guided by pro-India party leaders. After the downfall of Maoist led government in May 2009, women defence minister (UML) and foreign minister (daughter of Girija), who have no diplomatic capabilities, both are pro-Indian. It seems this could be a strategy to surrender Nepalese foreign and defence policy to India. If you see list of ambassadors of Nepal to be sent to friend country, you will find smugglers, murderers and criminals who have no idea of foreign affairs. Therefore Nepalese foreign policy is shameful status in international level.
After 1990, Nepalese people never became free though were called sovereign. As the King was separated from sovereignty, in 1974 in Sikkim, under the leadership of Lendup Dorji Sikkim parliament decided to unify with India in 10 April 1975. Similarly in Nepal, using Girija Prasad (former PM), Madhav nepal (PM) and few Maoists, India is trying to capture Nepal. The factors behind failed foreign policy of Nepal are betrayer leaders of Nepal and ever continuing interference of India. India is always involved in conspiracy to shrunken the Nepal. Nepal is situated in between large China in north and India in south. Nepal is bordered to India in east, west and south with 1880 km boarder. Besides, there is open border. Due to this, India is always engaged in attacking the Nepalese territory and also some Indian citizens commit crime in Nepal and hide in India. Indians enter Nepal with small and large scale business and ultimately demand for Nepalese citizenship. In 2006, 4 million Indians succeed in taking Nepalese citizenship. Being landlocked country Nepal must have transportation facility in accordance to international treaties and traditions. But India violated it and wants to control over Nepal.
Late King Prithvi Narayan Shah is a creator of Nepal. Nepalese monarch was established fighting against imperialist power. In order to remain protected in between large China India, even in those times Prithvi Narayan Shah preached (1768) – 'Nepal is just like a Yam (tuber) between the two stones'. We are sandwiched between giant India and China. So, we are bound to have a balanced understanding between them. The nation builder had preached us the same fact. "Establish good and amicable relation with China, have relation with the emperor of south understanding well that he is very clever. If the investors from foreign (India) come to Nepal, they will make our people poorer. In deed, ideology of Prithvi Narayan Shah is immortal. Therefore the monarch of Nepal and China has incredible contribution to save the country.
India was being destroyed by Muslims for some 800 years. Such 200 years India was attacked by English imperialism in the name of East India Company. They had clear intension to demolish and left Hinduism and establish imperialism in this region. Communists do not believe in religion. JNU is popular for producing Extreme Leftists. It was Indian Congress government and policy makers like SD Muni who not only assisted but funded Nepal Maoists to wage a war against Hinduism. However Prithvi Narayan was only one who protested it. He raised Nepalese flag, maintained originality of Himbatkhand and unified the great Nepal. From the beginning of Prithvi Narayan Shah Regime in 1868, the balanced Nepalese relationship with China and India was maintained by every Kings till 2005. Nepalese Kings never afraid of imperial powers. Nepalese Kings never sold the country in any crisis. The balanced foreign policy and patronization of nationality is due to combined effort of King and people of Nepal. Nepal's foreign policy is focused to get rid of Indian conspiracy. If foreign policy of a country fails that means the sovereignty of the country can be finished. Therefore the nationalist Nepalese people along with the King should stand up in one side so that Indian interference could be protested.
Dirgha Raj Prasai Political Analyst Nepal
DIRGHA RAJ PRASAI
Written by DIRGHA RAJ PRASAI
Since 1990, Nepali congress government is trying to change Nepalese foreign policy one sided, though previously it was quite balanced. More correctly after popular movement of 2005, home, defence and foreign policy of Nepal has been completely failed. Pro-Indian foreign policy is crisis on existence of Nepal. Bhutan is bordered with China. India is always against the good friendly bilateral relationship between China and Bhutan. Bhutan is protected by India. Nepal is also bordered with China. India does not wish friendly bilateral relationship between Nepal and China. Indian leaders frequently visit Nepal. But if any Chinese leader visits Nepal, it becomes matter of headache for India. Actually India wants Nepal under its control.
After the establishment of democracy in Nepal, nationalists protested against unequal treaty of 1950 (made by India) and Delhi agreement. Nepalese people protesting against Delhi Agreement were accused of communists. Communist Party was also banned with same issue. Later in 1956, King Mahendra lifted the ban over the Communist Party. Even after the general election of 1958-59, India did not abandon exhibiting its bad intensions towards Nepal. As the existence of Nepal was endangered, King Mahendra dissolved the Parliament in 1960 and safeguarded the Nepalese nationality. If King would not have been there, the existence of Nepal would have ended up. On the initiation of King Mahendra, Indian army check posts that were kept for security after Delhi Agreement were sent back from northern Nepal. India could not speak because Nepal had very good relationships with China and other world powers. In deed, Nepalese monarch and northern neighbour China have contributed foe saving Nepal.
Initially, India was afraid of communists. Due Chinese terror, India started to use communists. Nepalese communists, being whatever revolutionary, could not get rid of India game. It is said former premier Man Mohan Adhikari was being paid on the name of freedom fighter of India. India understood that Nepali communists can be used in favour of India. After 1990's popular movement, as Congress and UML rise to government, India found open way to interfere in Nepal. But only leader Madan Bhandari of UML protested the Indian imposition. India thought him a barrier and after his murder again India was happy. Still as India could not do as it wanted with Congress and UML, then in 2005 India convinced Maoists and now India is free for naked interference. The intensions of RAW and CIA were unified to destroy United China in the name of Free Tibet since the beginning of 2000. In between Nepal is entrapped. India always tries to maintain its supremacy either in non-aligned foreign policy or in SAARC. So, Nepal needs to resign from non-aligned policy and SAARC.
Chinese are simple and they understand the things slowly. Due to this delayed understanding by China, Nepal is in difficult situation. The strategic unification of RAW and CIA in this region is dangerous indicator for China and Nepal. Therefore China should openly come out to protest the conspiracy of imperialists against Nepal. Chinese communist leader Mao Ze Dong, never took confidence of Nepali communists. He was in favour of Nepalese monarch because monarch always fought against imperialists. Now India is trying to capture Nepal by behaving like Ostrich with China, being broker of US and UN, and using so called Nepalese political parties. Even in 1989, India tried to capture Nepalese foreign, defence and home policies by terrorizing then King Birendra with popular movements. Even India tried to make confused the King Gyanendra with expectation to control movement of 2005. However India was unsuccessful in doing so. Apart from surrendering to foreigners, King Gyanendra happily handed over the power to Nepalese people.
India constructed 40 km long tunnel investing billions of rupees in between Jammu and Srinagar valley. But Kasmiries did not favour India. If Indian interests in Nepal are like that of to Bhutan and Sikkim, India won't be safe. It is because terrorism can be institutionalized in this situation which will be harmful to India. Therefore we warn India to correct itself from such blunders. Indian interest is to make Nepalese defence and foreign policy in accordance to India. Since 2006, Nepal is being guided by pro-India party leaders. After the downfall of Maoist led government in May 2009, women defence minister (UML) and foreign minister (daughter of Girija), who have no diplomatic capabilities, both are pro-Indian. It seems this could be a strategy to surrender Nepalese foreign and defence policy to India. If you see list of ambassadors of Nepal to be sent to friend country, you will find smugglers, murderers and criminals who have no idea of foreign affairs. Therefore Nepalese foreign policy is shameful status in international level.
After 1990, Nepalese people never became free though were called sovereign. As the King was separated from sovereignty, in 1974 in Sikkim, under the leadership of Lendup Dorji Sikkim parliament decided to unify with India in 10 April 1975. Similarly in Nepal, using Girija Prasad (former PM), Madhav nepal (PM) and few Maoists, India is trying to capture Nepal. The factors behind failed foreign policy of Nepal are betrayer leaders of Nepal and ever continuing interference of India. India is always involved in conspiracy to shrunken the Nepal. Nepal is situated in between large China in north and India in south. Nepal is bordered to India in east, west and south with 1880 km boarder. Besides, there is open border. Due to this, India is always engaged in attacking the Nepalese territory and also some Indian citizens commit crime in Nepal and hide in India. Indians enter Nepal with small and large scale business and ultimately demand for Nepalese citizenship. In 2006, 4 million Indians succeed in taking Nepalese citizenship. Being landlocked country Nepal must have transportation facility in accordance to international treaties and traditions. But India violated it and wants to control over Nepal.
Late King Prithvi Narayan Shah is a creator of Nepal. Nepalese monarch was established fighting against imperialist power. In order to remain protected in between large China India, even in those times Prithvi Narayan Shah preached (1768) – 'Nepal is just like a Yam (tuber) between the two stones'. We are sandwiched between giant India and China. So, we are bound to have a balanced understanding between them. The nation builder had preached us the same fact. "Establish good and amicable relation with China, have relation with the emperor of south understanding well that he is very clever. If the investors from foreign (India) come to Nepal, they will make our people poorer. In deed, ideology of Prithvi Narayan Shah is immortal. Therefore the monarch of Nepal and China has incredible contribution to save the country.
India was being destroyed by Muslims for some 800 years. Such 200 years India was attacked by English imperialism in the name of East India Company. They had clear intension to demolish and left Hinduism and establish imperialism in this region. Communists do not believe in religion. JNU is popular for producing Extreme Leftists. It was Indian Congress government and policy makers like SD Muni who not only assisted but funded Nepal Maoists to wage a war against Hinduism. However Prithvi Narayan was only one who protested it. He raised Nepalese flag, maintained originality of Himbatkhand and unified the great Nepal. From the beginning of Prithvi Narayan Shah Regime in 1868, the balanced Nepalese relationship with China and India was maintained by every Kings till 2005. Nepalese Kings never afraid of imperial powers. Nepalese Kings never sold the country in any crisis. The balanced foreign policy and patronization of nationality is due to combined effort of King and people of Nepal. Nepal's foreign policy is focused to get rid of Indian conspiracy. If foreign policy of a country fails that means the sovereignty of the country can be finished. Therefore the nationalist Nepalese people along with the King should stand up in one side so that Indian interference could be protested.
Dirgha Raj Prasai Political Analyst Nepal
DIRGHA RAJ PRASAI
Wednesday 23 September 2009
RACES IN INDIA
In one of the boldest atempts to reconstruct the population history of the country, which has so far held that north Indians descended from the Aryans and south Indians from Dravidian speakers, researchers now say nearly all Indians are a mixture of two ancestral groups which predate the arrival of Indo-European and Dravidian speakers in the country.
In Thursday's issue of Nature, scientists from the Centre for Cellular and Molecular Biology (CCMB) in Hyderabad, Harvard Medical School and Broad Institute at Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) in Cambridge, Massachusetts, report that different Indian groups have inherited 40-80% of their ancestry from a population which they call Ancestral North Indians (ANI) and the rest from a population called Ancestral South Indians (ASI).
Genetically, ANIs are closest to present-day Europeans, and ASIs to the disappearing Andamanese tribe of Onge, which CCMB scientists, in another study, have shown to be similar to the first humans that migrated out of Africa some 65,000 years ago.
The present research's claim is indeed grandiose, but the scientific evidence is compelling and it's a "bold idea", says Aravinda Chakravarti, a professor at the McKusick-Nathans Institute of Genetic Medicine, Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine in Baltimore. "At least other samples will allow acceptance or rejection of this hypothesis."
Calling the Indian set of ancestries akin to the "many hands that can be dealt from a deck of cards", Chakravarti says the diversity in Indian population is due to the varying proportions of ancestry and specific genomic content that is inherited.
The "gradient" in genetic diversity that these researchers have captured, showing the decrease in Central Asian ancestry as one goes from the north to south, corroborates what historians have proposed earlier, but that doesn't necessarily mean that there's an ASI population, says Analabha Basu, a scientist at the National Institute of Biomedical Genomics at Kalyani in West Bengal.
"This study is too neat to be true; I'd need more evidence to believe the findings."
Researchers studied the genomes of 132 Indians from 25 population groups that represented all six language families across 15 states and included traditionally "upper" and "lower" castes and tribal groups. Analysis of 500,000 genetic markers--random mutations that serve as milestones--using extensive statistical tools, shows that diversity within India is three-four times higher than that seen within Europe.
Based on this, they suggest that many groups in modern India descend from a small number of founding individuals and have been genetically isolated from other groups.
In science, it is called a "founder event"; in plainspeak, this means certain types of genetic diseases, particularly single gene disorders, will be more common, just as breast cancer is more common in the Parsi community due to inbreeding.
In another instance, the Vaishya community in Andhra Pradesh lacks an enzyme that metabolizes anaesthesia and hence people end up with complications, says Kumarasamy Thangaraj, a co-author from CCMB. In Europe, Finns and Ashkenazi Jews have experienced founder events, and have a high rate of single-gene (or recessive) diseases as a result.
The surprise in India is that such a large proportion of the population is expected to have a similar effect, says David Reich, a co-author from the department of genetics at Harvard Medical School. "As far as I know, this is not generally appreciated by geneticists as a major cause of recessive diseases in India, but our findings suggest that it will be a much more important cause of recessive diseases than consanguinity (marriages between close relatives), which is the focus of many Indian genetic studies at present."
The widespread history of founder events, says co-author Lalji Singh from CCMB, helps explain why the incidence of genetic diseases among Indians is different from the rest.
"This also indicates that many drugs tested on the Western population will not be as effective on the Indian population,"
says Singh.
For the first time, dealing with prehistoric India through genetic tools, researchers also show that the ANI and ASI theory applies to traditional tribes as well as castes; one cannot be distinguished from the other.
"The genetics proves that they are not systematically different and supports the view that castes grew directly out of tribal-like organizations during the formation of Indian society," says Thangaraj.
India did not participate in any global human genome diversity project, including the HapMap. If it had, say experts, some of these findings would have come sooner.
"African, East Asian, European, and American populations have participated in these international genetic projects, and as a result are further ahead in terms of medical genetic technology than India," says Reich.
India occupies centre stage in human evolution, says Basu, and this study will put many things in perspective.
For the researchers though, the next stage will involve going back in history to see when this admixture of ANI and ASI took place.
Reich says in principle the genetic data contains this information, but they haven't succeeded in cracking it. "One complication is that the ANIASI mixture may have occurred at different times in different places in India, and possibly reflects multiple historical mixture events in the history of each group."
www.livemint.com To read our earlier stories on genetic diversity, go to www.livemint.com/geneticmix.htm
In one of the boldest atempts to reconstruct the population history of the country, which has so far held that north Indians descended from the Aryans and south Indians from Dravidian speakers, researchers now say nearly all Indians are a mixture of two ancestral groups which predate the arrival of Indo-European and Dravidian speakers in the country.
In Thursday's issue of Nature, scientists from the Centre for Cellular and Molecular Biology (CCMB) in Hyderabad, Harvard Medical School and Broad Institute at Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) in Cambridge, Massachusetts, report that different Indian groups have inherited 40-80% of their ancestry from a population which they call Ancestral North Indians (ANI) and the rest from a population called Ancestral South Indians (ASI).
Genetically, ANIs are closest to present-day Europeans, and ASIs to the disappearing Andamanese tribe of Onge, which CCMB scientists, in another study, have shown to be similar to the first humans that migrated out of Africa some 65,000 years ago.
The present research's claim is indeed grandiose, but the scientific evidence is compelling and it's a "bold idea", says Aravinda Chakravarti, a professor at the McKusick-Nathans Institute of Genetic Medicine, Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine in Baltimore. "At least other samples will allow acceptance or rejection of this hypothesis."
Calling the Indian set of ancestries akin to the "many hands that can be dealt from a deck of cards", Chakravarti says the diversity in Indian population is due to the varying proportions of ancestry and specific genomic content that is inherited.
The "gradient" in genetic diversity that these researchers have captured, showing the decrease in Central Asian ancestry as one goes from the north to south, corroborates what historians have proposed earlier, but that doesn't necessarily mean that there's an ASI population, says Analabha Basu, a scientist at the National Institute of Biomedical Genomics at Kalyani in West Bengal.
"This study is too neat to be true; I'd need more evidence to believe the findings."
Researchers studied the genomes of 132 Indians from 25 population groups that represented all six language families across 15 states and included traditionally "upper" and "lower" castes and tribal groups. Analysis of 500,000 genetic markers--random mutations that serve as milestones--using extensive statistical tools, shows that diversity within India is three-four times higher than that seen within Europe.
Based on this, they suggest that many groups in modern India descend from a small number of founding individuals and have been genetically isolated from other groups.
In science, it is called a "founder event"; in plainspeak, this means certain types of genetic diseases, particularly single gene disorders, will be more common, just as breast cancer is more common in the Parsi community due to inbreeding.
In another instance, the Vaishya community in Andhra Pradesh lacks an enzyme that metabolizes anaesthesia and hence people end up with complications, says Kumarasamy Thangaraj, a co-author from CCMB. In Europe, Finns and Ashkenazi Jews have experienced founder events, and have a high rate of single-gene (or recessive) diseases as a result.
The surprise in India is that such a large proportion of the population is expected to have a similar effect, says David Reich, a co-author from the department of genetics at Harvard Medical School. "As far as I know, this is not generally appreciated by geneticists as a major cause of recessive diseases in India, but our findings suggest that it will be a much more important cause of recessive diseases than consanguinity (marriages between close relatives), which is the focus of many Indian genetic studies at present."
The widespread history of founder events, says co-author Lalji Singh from CCMB, helps explain why the incidence of genetic diseases among Indians is different from the rest.
"This also indicates that many drugs tested on the Western population will not be as effective on the Indian population,"
says Singh.
For the first time, dealing with prehistoric India through genetic tools, researchers also show that the ANI and ASI theory applies to traditional tribes as well as castes; one cannot be distinguished from the other.
"The genetics proves that they are not systematically different and supports the view that castes grew directly out of tribal-like organizations during the formation of Indian society," says Thangaraj.
India did not participate in any global human genome diversity project, including the HapMap. If it had, say experts, some of these findings would have come sooner.
"African, East Asian, European, and American populations have participated in these international genetic projects, and as a result are further ahead in terms of medical genetic technology than India," says Reich.
India occupies centre stage in human evolution, says Basu, and this study will put many things in perspective.
For the researchers though, the next stage will involve going back in history to see when this admixture of ANI and ASI took place.
Reich says in principle the genetic data contains this information, but they haven't succeeded in cracking it. "One complication is that the ANIASI mixture may have occurred at different times in different places in India, and possibly reflects multiple historical mixture events in the history of each group."
www.livemint.com To read our earlier stories on genetic diversity, go to www.livemint.com/geneticmix.htm
View Point: Worrying internal security
September 23, 2009
The States have been sternly ticked off by the Centre as never before for not doing enough to tackle the country's internal security. Little has been done by way of reforms, despite repeated reminders. Nothing has, for instance, been done to set up police establishment boards to decide transfers and postings of police personnel. Some States have even reduced cops to "a football to be kicked from one post to another." Worse, most State governments have failed to provide adequate funds for the police, whereas security should be the first charge on the State exchequer! Importantly, the Centre's despair was first spelt out candidly by the Union Home Minister P Chidambaram while inaugurating a three-day Conference of Directors General of Police and Inspectors General of Police on internal security in the Capital on Monday last. At the same time, he offered a solution to the top cops: "Why do you remain silent when arbitrary postings and transfers are made by the State Governments?...Is it not your duty, as heads of State police to raise your voice not only on behalf of your officers but also on behalf of the people that you are duty-bound to protect." The big question is: When will mindsets and old habits change?
Strong criticism came the next day from the Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh, who lamented that little success has been achieved in dealing with Left-wing extremism, the "most serious" internal security threat. Latest statistics reveal that the Naxalites have their pockets of influence in 20 States. More than 20,000 police station areas in 223 districts in these States had been affected. Of these, the CPI (Marxists) remains the most potent of the Naxal group with presence in 17 States and a 90 per cent share in Naxal violence. Violence has been consistently witnessed in about 400 police stations areas of about 90 districts in 13 of these States. Last year 1,591 incidents of Naxalite violence, resulting in 721 killings, were reported from 399 police stations areas of 87 districts of 13 States. This year's figures are not far behind. There were 1,405 incidents of Naxal violence resulting in 580 killings already from 355 police stations in 78 districts of 11 States
( cENTRE cHRONICLE)
September 23, 2009
The States have been sternly ticked off by the Centre as never before for not doing enough to tackle the country's internal security. Little has been done by way of reforms, despite repeated reminders. Nothing has, for instance, been done to set up police establishment boards to decide transfers and postings of police personnel. Some States have even reduced cops to "a football to be kicked from one post to another." Worse, most State governments have failed to provide adequate funds for the police, whereas security should be the first charge on the State exchequer! Importantly, the Centre's despair was first spelt out candidly by the Union Home Minister P Chidambaram while inaugurating a three-day Conference of Directors General of Police and Inspectors General of Police on internal security in the Capital on Monday last. At the same time, he offered a solution to the top cops: "Why do you remain silent when arbitrary postings and transfers are made by the State Governments?...Is it not your duty, as heads of State police to raise your voice not only on behalf of your officers but also on behalf of the people that you are duty-bound to protect." The big question is: When will mindsets and old habits change?
Strong criticism came the next day from the Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh, who lamented that little success has been achieved in dealing with Left-wing extremism, the "most serious" internal security threat. Latest statistics reveal that the Naxalites have their pockets of influence in 20 States. More than 20,000 police station areas in 223 districts in these States had been affected. Of these, the CPI (Marxists) remains the most potent of the Naxal group with presence in 17 States and a 90 per cent share in Naxal violence. Violence has been consistently witnessed in about 400 police stations areas of about 90 districts in 13 of these States. Last year 1,591 incidents of Naxalite violence, resulting in 721 killings, were reported from 399 police stations areas of 87 districts of 13 States. This year's figures are not far behind. There were 1,405 incidents of Naxal violence resulting in 580 killings already from 355 police stations in 78 districts of 11 States
( cENTRE cHRONICLE)
Monday 21 September 2009
National seminar on ‘Sino-Indian border relation-restoration of peace in India & Tibet’ held
‘Indian Govt should initiate peace talks with China on Tibet issue’
Staff Reporter
GANGTOK, September 20: The national convener of Core Group for Tibetan Cause, Dr. Anand Kumar today said that the Indian government should take concrete steps by initiating peace talks with the Chinese government on the issue of Tibet.
He said this while presenting his papers during a national seminar on ‘Sino-Indian border relation-restoration of peace in India and Tibet’ held here today.
Mr. Kumar further said that China should now come up with conditional solution for Tibet issue rather than adopting the military solution.
The seminar was held here primarily to review the approaches of India, China and the Tibetans in exile towards the challenges creating an environment of peace and progress in the Himalayan region. Participants from major parts of Himalayan region as well as major organizations engaged in awareness building about the Tibetan cause in India attended the programme organized by Himalayan Committee for Action on Tibet, India-Tibet Friendship Society in collaboration with India Tibet Co-ordination Office (ITCO), Delhi.
The seminar participants interrogated the paradoxical position of the three nations and tried to evolve a set of recommendations for making the Himalayas as the zone of peace.
Sonam Lhundup, the convener of the seminar informed that the recommendation of the seminar will be presented to the Government of India, the Government of People’s Republic of China and the Tibetan Government in exile by the core group for the Tibetan cause. The core group also intends to approach all major political parties in the Indian parliament to draw their attention for a thorough review of the changing situation on Sino-India border and inside Tibet for revising their policy on Himalayas, he added.
Tenzin Lekshay, the co-ordinator of ITCO said, the Indian and Chinese government are diverting the topic on the border dispute and is leaving the Tibetan issues aside.
‘Time has come up to review and change the policy of the Indian government on Tibetan issues,” he said. Stating that Tibetans are becoming a minority in Tibetan Autonomous Region, Mr. Lekshay said the freedom of Tibetan is based on the principles of non-violence and the teachings of His Holiness, the Dalai Lama. “The Tibetan youth should come forward in taking the issue of Free Tibet forward as it is not only the matter of His Holiness but also of six million Tibetan population,” he added
PT Bhutia, the general secretary of India Tibet Friendship Society (ITFS), Kalimpong said that the Chinese government should justify the long demand of the Tibetans.
He accused the Chinese government of not having a proper map of Tibet till date.
Udai Chettri, General Secretary of Bharat Tibet Sayog Manch said, the freedom of Tibet is the security of India. He said, the Chinese people have been rampantly involved in destroying the natural resources of Tibet and adding more pollution with reckless deforestation and trafficking the faunas and the floras.
Dundup Dorjee, the Tibetan Welfare Officer, Gangtok in his address said there will be extensive deliberation and interaction on the middle way engagement mechanism propounded by His Holiness and endorsed by the Tibetan people inside Tibet and in Tibetan Diaspora for a mutual solution.
‘Indian Govt should initiate peace talks with China on Tibet issue’
Staff Reporter
GANGTOK, September 20: The national convener of Core Group for Tibetan Cause, Dr. Anand Kumar today said that the Indian government should take concrete steps by initiating peace talks with the Chinese government on the issue of Tibet.
He said this while presenting his papers during a national seminar on ‘Sino-Indian border relation-restoration of peace in India and Tibet’ held here today.
Mr. Kumar further said that China should now come up with conditional solution for Tibet issue rather than adopting the military solution.
The seminar was held here primarily to review the approaches of India, China and the Tibetans in exile towards the challenges creating an environment of peace and progress in the Himalayan region. Participants from major parts of Himalayan region as well as major organizations engaged in awareness building about the Tibetan cause in India attended the programme organized by Himalayan Committee for Action on Tibet, India-Tibet Friendship Society in collaboration with India Tibet Co-ordination Office (ITCO), Delhi.
The seminar participants interrogated the paradoxical position of the three nations and tried to evolve a set of recommendations for making the Himalayas as the zone of peace.
Sonam Lhundup, the convener of the seminar informed that the recommendation of the seminar will be presented to the Government of India, the Government of People’s Republic of China and the Tibetan Government in exile by the core group for the Tibetan cause. The core group also intends to approach all major political parties in the Indian parliament to draw their attention for a thorough review of the changing situation on Sino-India border and inside Tibet for revising their policy on Himalayas, he added.
Tenzin Lekshay, the co-ordinator of ITCO said, the Indian and Chinese government are diverting the topic on the border dispute and is leaving the Tibetan issues aside.
‘Time has come up to review and change the policy of the Indian government on Tibetan issues,” he said. Stating that Tibetans are becoming a minority in Tibetan Autonomous Region, Mr. Lekshay said the freedom of Tibetan is based on the principles of non-violence and the teachings of His Holiness, the Dalai Lama. “The Tibetan youth should come forward in taking the issue of Free Tibet forward as it is not only the matter of His Holiness but also of six million Tibetan population,” he added
PT Bhutia, the general secretary of India Tibet Friendship Society (ITFS), Kalimpong said that the Chinese government should justify the long demand of the Tibetans.
He accused the Chinese government of not having a proper map of Tibet till date.
Udai Chettri, General Secretary of Bharat Tibet Sayog Manch said, the freedom of Tibet is the security of India. He said, the Chinese people have been rampantly involved in destroying the natural resources of Tibet and adding more pollution with reckless deforestation and trafficking the faunas and the floras.
Dundup Dorjee, the Tibetan Welfare Officer, Gangtok in his address said there will be extensive deliberation and interaction on the middle way engagement mechanism propounded by His Holiness and endorsed by the Tibetan people inside Tibet and in Tibetan Diaspora for a mutual solution.
Saturday 19 September 2009
NEPAL: Nepali group seeks formation of ‘Greater Nepal’
Posted by barunroy on January 28, 2009
FROM HINDUSTAN TIMES
An anti-India group, which has accused New Delhi of encroaching into Nepalese territory, has demanded the establishment of ‘Greater Nepal’ by inclusion of four Indian states.
Some 25-30 people linked to the little-known group ‘Unified Nepal National Front’ had gathered in front of the Indian embassy in the capital and staged a noisy demonstration on Republic Day.
The group demanded the merger of Indian states of Sikkim, Darjeeling, Uttaranchal and Siliguri into Nepal for the creation of ‘Greater Nepal’. They accused India of “occupying” some Nepalese territory.
It also handed over a memorandum to the embassy seeking the ban on screening of the film ‘Chandani Chowk to China’, which has sparked a row after it allegedly suggesting that Buddha was born in India, contrary to the fact that his birth place Lumbini is situated in western parts of the Himalayan nation.
Indian film producer Ramesh Sippi had already apologised for hurting sentiments of the Nepalese people.
Posted by barunroy on January 28, 2009
FROM HINDUSTAN TIMES
An anti-India group, which has accused New Delhi of encroaching into Nepalese territory, has demanded the establishment of ‘Greater Nepal’ by inclusion of four Indian states.
Some 25-30 people linked to the little-known group ‘Unified Nepal National Front’ had gathered in front of the Indian embassy in the capital and staged a noisy demonstration on Republic Day.
The group demanded the merger of Indian states of Sikkim, Darjeeling, Uttaranchal and Siliguri into Nepal for the creation of ‘Greater Nepal’. They accused India of “occupying” some Nepalese territory.
It also handed over a memorandum to the embassy seeking the ban on screening of the film ‘Chandani Chowk to China’, which has sparked a row after it allegedly suggesting that Buddha was born in India, contrary to the fact that his birth place Lumbini is situated in western parts of the Himalayan nation.
Indian film producer Ramesh Sippi had already apologised for hurting sentiments of the Nepalese people.
INDIA/CHINA: IAF buzz on China border
Landing strip reopens after 45 years
FROM THE TELEGRAPH
BY SUJAN DUTTA
New Delhi, Sept. 18: The Indian Air Force today landed a troop-carrier aircraft to reopen a forward landing strip after 45 years near a disputed border with China.
Defence headquarters, however, maintained this was part of a policy to upgrade infrastructure in the frontier and had nothing to do with current tensions.
The reopening of the Nyoma advanced landing ground — on the cards since November 2008 — will allow the UPA government to demonstrate resolve in the face of criticism from the BJP that it was timid when confronted by an aggressive China.
Key officials in the security establishment, including the top brass of the military, however, acknowledge that “transgressions” by border patrols of India and China are bound to occur because the boundary is not demarcated.
This time, though, the presence of the top commanders of the army and the air force added more muscle to the event than the reopening of two previous advanced landing grounds.
“This is at best a demonstration of ability, not intent,” one senior officer said. “It gives us an alternative supply route in bad weather but I doubt how effectively it can be used to move large loads (such as troops and hardware) because of weight and time restrictions at that altitude.”
Speaking about the experience, an air force officer on board the AN-32 transport aircraft told The Telegraph: “It was awesome, the way the ground rushed up at us when we were landing at dawn. The pilot had to do a lot of manoeuvring among the hills before the aircraft touched down.”
The pilot chosen for the task — Group Captain S.C. Chafekar — is from the IAF’s Chandigarh-based 48 “Camels in the Sky” squadron.
The Nyoma advanced landing ground (ALG) in eastern Ladakh is the third forward strip to be reopened in the Ladakh frontier since May 2008. At 13,300ft, it is lower than the other two.
On the banks of the Indus, Nyoma is about 23km from the Line of Actual Control. It is also closer to the Chumar Sector where a Chinese patrol was seen by Indian military observers to have “crossed over” into Mount Gya, in territory claimed by India, and spray-painted boulders claiming that the area belonged to China.
The Indian Army chief, General Deepak Kapoor, who was taking over as the chairman, chiefs of staff committee, on July 31 acknowledged that “there have been several transgressions” of the Line of Actual Control in recent months but did not give details of the incident purported to have taken place in Chumar.
The two top commanders of the air force and the army, responsible for the territory and airspace over the northern region, were in the aircraft. Western Air Commander Air Marshal N.A.K. Browne and Northern Army Commander Lt Gen P.C. Bhardwaj were among the passengers.
Nyoma was to be made operational by the end of 2009 but orders were sent out to hasten the work.
Landing strip reopens after 45 years
FROM THE TELEGRAPH
BY SUJAN DUTTA
New Delhi, Sept. 18: The Indian Air Force today landed a troop-carrier aircraft to reopen a forward landing strip after 45 years near a disputed border with China.
Defence headquarters, however, maintained this was part of a policy to upgrade infrastructure in the frontier and had nothing to do with current tensions.
The reopening of the Nyoma advanced landing ground — on the cards since November 2008 — will allow the UPA government to demonstrate resolve in the face of criticism from the BJP that it was timid when confronted by an aggressive China.
Key officials in the security establishment, including the top brass of the military, however, acknowledge that “transgressions” by border patrols of India and China are bound to occur because the boundary is not demarcated.
This time, though, the presence of the top commanders of the army and the air force added more muscle to the event than the reopening of two previous advanced landing grounds.
“This is at best a demonstration of ability, not intent,” one senior officer said. “It gives us an alternative supply route in bad weather but I doubt how effectively it can be used to move large loads (such as troops and hardware) because of weight and time restrictions at that altitude.”
Speaking about the experience, an air force officer on board the AN-32 transport aircraft told The Telegraph: “It was awesome, the way the ground rushed up at us when we were landing at dawn. The pilot had to do a lot of manoeuvring among the hills before the aircraft touched down.”
The pilot chosen for the task — Group Captain S.C. Chafekar — is from the IAF’s Chandigarh-based 48 “Camels in the Sky” squadron.
The Nyoma advanced landing ground (ALG) in eastern Ladakh is the third forward strip to be reopened in the Ladakh frontier since May 2008. At 13,300ft, it is lower than the other two.
On the banks of the Indus, Nyoma is about 23km from the Line of Actual Control. It is also closer to the Chumar Sector where a Chinese patrol was seen by Indian military observers to have “crossed over” into Mount Gya, in territory claimed by India, and spray-painted boulders claiming that the area belonged to China.
The Indian Army chief, General Deepak Kapoor, who was taking over as the chairman, chiefs of staff committee, on July 31 acknowledged that “there have been several transgressions” of the Line of Actual Control in recent months but did not give details of the incident purported to have taken place in Chumar.
The two top commanders of the air force and the army, responsible for the territory and airspace over the northern region, were in the aircraft. Western Air Commander Air Marshal N.A.K. Browne and Northern Army Commander Lt Gen P.C. Bhardwaj were among the passengers.
Nyoma was to be made operational by the end of 2009 but orders were sent out to hasten the work.
Friday 18 September 2009
18 sept 2009
Mr Bimal Gurung told The Telegraph UK that a “Gorkhaland” state would be one of India’s richest, and he would use its wealth to build a new Darjeeling University, and establish new medical and engineering colleges.
“We have three million people and we get £6 million from the government. Sikkim has 500,000 people and they get £1 billion,” he said.
“We could collect £125 million from the hydroelectric power companies, £75 million from tea. There are huge revenues, but 70 per cent of our money is siphoned off,” he added.
Mr Bimal Gurung told The Telegraph UK that a “Gorkhaland” state would be one of India’s richest, and he would use its wealth to build a new Darjeeling University, and establish new medical and engineering colleges.
“We have three million people and we get £6 million from the government. Sikkim has 500,000 people and they get £1 billion,” he said.
“We could collect £125 million from the hydroelectric power companies, £75 million from tea. There are huge revenues, but 70 per cent of our money is siphoned off,” he added.
Tuesday 15 September 2009
SERIES: HIMALAYAN JOURNALS by Joseph Dalton Hooker – Episode 3
Posted by barunroy on September 16, 2009
THIS SERIES HAS BEEN MADE POSSIBLE THROUGH THE CONTRIBUTION OF ADBDUL KALAM EZANI
The Lepchas: Origin and physique.
Joseph Dalton Hooker
The Lepcha is the aboriginal inhabitant of Sikkim, and the prominent character in Dorjiling, where he undertakes all sorts of out-door employment. The race to which he belongs is a very singular one; markedly Mongolian in features, and a good deal too, by imitation, in habit; still he differs from his Tibetan prototype, though not so decidedly as from the Nepalese and Bhotanese, between whom he is hemmed into a narrow tract of mountain country, barely 60 miles in breadth. The Lepchas possess a tradition of the flood, during which a couple escaped to the top of a mountain (Tendong) near Dorjiling.
The earliest traditions which they have of their history date no further back than some three hundred years, when they describe themselves as having been long-haired, half-clad savages. At about that period they were visited by Tibetans, who introduced Boodh worship, the platting of their hair into pig-tails, and very many of their own customs. Their physiognomy is however so Tibetan in its character, that it cannot be supposed that this was their earliest intercourse with the trans-nivean races: whether they may have wandered from beyond the snows before the spread of Boodhism and its civilisation, or whether they are a cross between the Tamulian of India and the Tibetan, has not been decided. Their language, though radically identical with Tibetan, differs from it in many important particulars. They, or at least some of their tribes, call themselves Rong, and Arratt, and their country Dijong: they once possessed a great part of East Nepal, as far west as the Tambur river, and at a still earlier period they penetrated as far west as the Arun river.
An attentive examination of the Lepcha in one respect entirely contradicts our preconceived notions of a mountaineer, as he is timid, peaceful, and no brawler; qualities which are all the more remarkable from contrasting so strongly with those of his neighbours to the east and west: of whom the Ghorkas are brave and warlike to a proverb, and the Bhotanese quarrelsome, cowardly, and cruel. A group of Lepchas is exceedingly picturesque. They are of short stature–four feet eight inches to five feet–rather broad in the chest, and with muscular arms, but small hands and slender wrists.* [I have seldom been able to insert my own wrist (which is smaller than the average) into the wooden guard which the Lepcha wears on his left, as a protection against the bow-string: it is a curved ring of wood with an opening at one side, through which, by a little stretching, the wrist is inserted.] The face is broad, flat, and of eminently Tartar character, flat-nosed and oblique-eyed, with no beard, and little moustache; the complexion is sallow, or often a clear olive; the hair is collected into an immense tail, plaited flat or round. The lower limbs are powerfully developed, befitting genuine mountaineers: the feet are small. Though never really handsome, and very womanish in the cast of countenance, they have invariably a mild, frank, and even engaging expression, which I have in vain sought to analyse, and which is perhaps due more to the absence of anything unpleasing, than to the presence of direct grace or beauty.
In like manner, the girls are often very engaging to look upon, though without one good feature they are all smiles and good-nature; and the children are frank, lively, laughing urchins. The old women are thorough hags. Indolence, when left to themselves, is their besetting sin; they detest any fixed employment, and their foulness of person and garments renders them disagreeable inmates: in this rainy climate they are supportable out of doors. Though fond of bathing when they come to a stream in hot weather, and expert, even admirable swimmers, these people never take to the water for the purpose of ablution. In disposition they are amiable and obliging, frank, humorous, and polite, without the servility of the Hindoos; and their address is free and unrestrained.
Their intercourse with one another and with Europeans is scrupulously honest; a present is divided equally amongst many, without a syllable of discontent or grudging look or word: each, on receiving his share, coming up and giving the donor a brusque bow and thanks. They have learnt to overcharge already, and use extortion in dealing, as is the custom with the people of the plains; but it is clumsily done, and never accompanied with the grasping air and insufferable whine of the latter. They are constantly armed with a long, heavy, straight knife,* [It is called "Ban," and serves equally for plough, toothpick, table-knife, hatchet, hammer, and sword.] but never draw it on one another: family and political feuds are alike unheard of amongst them.
The Lepcha is in morals far superior to his Tibet and Bhotan neighbours, polyandry being unknown, and polygamy rare. This is no doubt greatly due to the conventual system not being carried to such an excess as in Bhotan, where the ties of relationship even are disregarded.
Like the New Zealander, Tasmanian, Fuegian, and natives of other climates, which, though cold, are moist and equable, the Lepcha’s dress is very scanty, and when we are wearing woollen under-garments and hose, he is content with one cotton vesture, which is loosely thrown round the body, leaving one or both arms free; it reaches to the knee, and is gathered round the waist: its fabric is close, the ground colour white, ornamented with longitudinal blue stripes, two or three fingers broad, prettily worked with red and white. When new and clean, this garb is remarkably handsome and gay, but not showy.
In cold weather an upper garment with loose sleeves is added. A long knife, with a common wooden handle, hangs by the side, stuck in a sheath; he has often also a quiver of poisoned arrows and a bamboo* [The bamboo, of which the quiver is made, is thin and light: it is brought from Assam, and called Tulda, or Dulwa, by the Bengalees.]
bow across his back. On his right wrist is a curious wooden guard for the bowstring; and a little pouch, containing aconite poison and a few common implements, is suspended to his girdle. A hat he seldom wears, and when he does, it is often extravagantly broad and flat-brimmed, with a small hemispherical crown. It is made of leaves of _Scitamineae,_ between two thin plates of bamboo-work, clumsy and heavy; this is generally used in the rainy weather, while in the dry a conical one is worn, also of platted slips of bamboo, with broad flakes of talc between the layers, and a peacock’s feather at the side. The umbrella consists of a large hood, much like the ancient boat called a coracle, which being placed over the head reaches to the thighs behind. It is made of platted bamboo, enclosing broad leaves of _Phrynium._ A group of Lepchas with these on, running along in the pelting rain, are very droll figures; they look like snails with their shells on their backs.
All the Lepchas are fond of ornaments, wearing silver hoops in their ears, necklaces made of cornelian, amber, and turquoise, brought from Tibet, and pearls and corals from the south, with curious silver and golden charm-boxes or amulets attached to their necks or arms. These are of Tibetan workmanship, and often of great value: they contain little idols, charms and written prayers, or the bones, hair, or nail-parings of a Lama: some are of great beauty, and highly ornamented. In these decorations, and in their hair, they take some pride, the ladies
frequently dressing the latter for the gentlemen: thus one may often see, the last thing at night, a damsel of discreet port, demurely go behind a young man, unplait his pig-tail, teaze the hair, thin it of some of its lively inmates, braid it up for him, and retire.
The women always wear two braided pig-tails, and it is by this they are most readily distinguished from their effeminate-looking partners, who wear only one.* [Ermann (Travels in Siberia, ii. p. 204) mentions the Buraet women as wearing two tails, and fillets with jewels, and the men as having one queue only.] When in full dress, the woman’s costume is extremely ornamental and picturesque; besides the shirt and petticoat she wears a small sleeveless woollen cloak, of gay pattern, usually covered with crosses, and fastened in front by a girdle of silver chains. Her neck is loaded with silver chains, amber necklaces, etc., and her head adorned with a coronet of scarlet cloth, studded with seed-pearls, jewels, glass beads, etc. The common dress is a long robe of indi, a cloth of coarse silk, spun from the cocoon of a large caterpillar that is found wild at the foot of the hills, and is also cultivated: it feeds on many different leaves, Sal (_Shorea_), castor-oil, etc.
Continued…………
Posted by barunroy on September 16, 2009
THIS SERIES HAS BEEN MADE POSSIBLE THROUGH THE CONTRIBUTION OF ADBDUL KALAM EZANI
The Lepchas: Origin and physique.
Joseph Dalton Hooker
The Lepcha is the aboriginal inhabitant of Sikkim, and the prominent character in Dorjiling, where he undertakes all sorts of out-door employment. The race to which he belongs is a very singular one; markedly Mongolian in features, and a good deal too, by imitation, in habit; still he differs from his Tibetan prototype, though not so decidedly as from the Nepalese and Bhotanese, between whom he is hemmed into a narrow tract of mountain country, barely 60 miles in breadth. The Lepchas possess a tradition of the flood, during which a couple escaped to the top of a mountain (Tendong) near Dorjiling.
The earliest traditions which they have of their history date no further back than some three hundred years, when they describe themselves as having been long-haired, half-clad savages. At about that period they were visited by Tibetans, who introduced Boodh worship, the platting of their hair into pig-tails, and very many of their own customs. Their physiognomy is however so Tibetan in its character, that it cannot be supposed that this was their earliest intercourse with the trans-nivean races: whether they may have wandered from beyond the snows before the spread of Boodhism and its civilisation, or whether they are a cross between the Tamulian of India and the Tibetan, has not been decided. Their language, though radically identical with Tibetan, differs from it in many important particulars. They, or at least some of their tribes, call themselves Rong, and Arratt, and their country Dijong: they once possessed a great part of East Nepal, as far west as the Tambur river, and at a still earlier period they penetrated as far west as the Arun river.
An attentive examination of the Lepcha in one respect entirely contradicts our preconceived notions of a mountaineer, as he is timid, peaceful, and no brawler; qualities which are all the more remarkable from contrasting so strongly with those of his neighbours to the east and west: of whom the Ghorkas are brave and warlike to a proverb, and the Bhotanese quarrelsome, cowardly, and cruel. A group of Lepchas is exceedingly picturesque. They are of short stature–four feet eight inches to five feet–rather broad in the chest, and with muscular arms, but small hands and slender wrists.* [I have seldom been able to insert my own wrist (which is smaller than the average) into the wooden guard which the Lepcha wears on his left, as a protection against the bow-string: it is a curved ring of wood with an opening at one side, through which, by a little stretching, the wrist is inserted.] The face is broad, flat, and of eminently Tartar character, flat-nosed and oblique-eyed, with no beard, and little moustache; the complexion is sallow, or often a clear olive; the hair is collected into an immense tail, plaited flat or round. The lower limbs are powerfully developed, befitting genuine mountaineers: the feet are small. Though never really handsome, and very womanish in the cast of countenance, they have invariably a mild, frank, and even engaging expression, which I have in vain sought to analyse, and which is perhaps due more to the absence of anything unpleasing, than to the presence of direct grace or beauty.
In like manner, the girls are often very engaging to look upon, though without one good feature they are all smiles and good-nature; and the children are frank, lively, laughing urchins. The old women are thorough hags. Indolence, when left to themselves, is their besetting sin; they detest any fixed employment, and their foulness of person and garments renders them disagreeable inmates: in this rainy climate they are supportable out of doors. Though fond of bathing when they come to a stream in hot weather, and expert, even admirable swimmers, these people never take to the water for the purpose of ablution. In disposition they are amiable and obliging, frank, humorous, and polite, without the servility of the Hindoos; and their address is free and unrestrained.
Their intercourse with one another and with Europeans is scrupulously honest; a present is divided equally amongst many, without a syllable of discontent or grudging look or word: each, on receiving his share, coming up and giving the donor a brusque bow and thanks. They have learnt to overcharge already, and use extortion in dealing, as is the custom with the people of the plains; but it is clumsily done, and never accompanied with the grasping air and insufferable whine of the latter. They are constantly armed with a long, heavy, straight knife,* [It is called "Ban," and serves equally for plough, toothpick, table-knife, hatchet, hammer, and sword.] but never draw it on one another: family and political feuds are alike unheard of amongst them.
The Lepcha is in morals far superior to his Tibet and Bhotan neighbours, polyandry being unknown, and polygamy rare. This is no doubt greatly due to the conventual system not being carried to such an excess as in Bhotan, where the ties of relationship even are disregarded.
Like the New Zealander, Tasmanian, Fuegian, and natives of other climates, which, though cold, are moist and equable, the Lepcha’s dress is very scanty, and when we are wearing woollen under-garments and hose, he is content with one cotton vesture, which is loosely thrown round the body, leaving one or both arms free; it reaches to the knee, and is gathered round the waist: its fabric is close, the ground colour white, ornamented with longitudinal blue stripes, two or three fingers broad, prettily worked with red and white. When new and clean, this garb is remarkably handsome and gay, but not showy.
In cold weather an upper garment with loose sleeves is added. A long knife, with a common wooden handle, hangs by the side, stuck in a sheath; he has often also a quiver of poisoned arrows and a bamboo* [The bamboo, of which the quiver is made, is thin and light: it is brought from Assam, and called Tulda, or Dulwa, by the Bengalees.]
bow across his back. On his right wrist is a curious wooden guard for the bowstring; and a little pouch, containing aconite poison and a few common implements, is suspended to his girdle. A hat he seldom wears, and when he does, it is often extravagantly broad and flat-brimmed, with a small hemispherical crown. It is made of leaves of _Scitamineae,_ between two thin plates of bamboo-work, clumsy and heavy; this is generally used in the rainy weather, while in the dry a conical one is worn, also of platted slips of bamboo, with broad flakes of talc between the layers, and a peacock’s feather at the side. The umbrella consists of a large hood, much like the ancient boat called a coracle, which being placed over the head reaches to the thighs behind. It is made of platted bamboo, enclosing broad leaves of _Phrynium._ A group of Lepchas with these on, running along in the pelting rain, are very droll figures; they look like snails with their shells on their backs.
All the Lepchas are fond of ornaments, wearing silver hoops in their ears, necklaces made of cornelian, amber, and turquoise, brought from Tibet, and pearls and corals from the south, with curious silver and golden charm-boxes or amulets attached to their necks or arms. These are of Tibetan workmanship, and often of great value: they contain little idols, charms and written prayers, or the bones, hair, or nail-parings of a Lama: some are of great beauty, and highly ornamented. In these decorations, and in their hair, they take some pride, the ladies
frequently dressing the latter for the gentlemen: thus one may often see, the last thing at night, a damsel of discreet port, demurely go behind a young man, unplait his pig-tail, teaze the hair, thin it of some of its lively inmates, braid it up for him, and retire.
The women always wear two braided pig-tails, and it is by this they are most readily distinguished from their effeminate-looking partners, who wear only one.* [Ermann (Travels in Siberia, ii. p. 204) mentions the Buraet women as wearing two tails, and fillets with jewels, and the men as having one queue only.] When in full dress, the woman’s costume is extremely ornamental and picturesque; besides the shirt and petticoat she wears a small sleeveless woollen cloak, of gay pattern, usually covered with crosses, and fastened in front by a girdle of silver chains. Her neck is loaded with silver chains, amber necklaces, etc., and her head adorned with a coronet of scarlet cloth, studded with seed-pearls, jewels, glass beads, etc. The common dress is a long robe of indi, a cloth of coarse silk, spun from the cocoon of a large caterpillar that is found wild at the foot of the hills, and is also cultivated: it feeds on many different leaves, Sal (_Shorea_), castor-oil, etc.
Continued…………
Monday 14 September 2009
INDIA/CHINA: Is ITBP Jawans injured with Chinese bullets?
Posted by barunroy on September 15, 2009
FROM HAALKHABAR.COM
As per a national media source, bubbles strains along the mountainous frontier with China appear to have become serious with a revelation that two jawans of the Indo – Tibetan Border Police, the sentinel force along the Line of Actual Control (LAC), were injured in bullets fired from the Chinese side.
‘The firing in an area identified as Kerang in northern Sikkim took place a fortnight ago but has been kept under wraps. It was confirmed on Monday by a highly-placed intelligence source, who is not authorised to give information to the media. ITBP officials at its headquarters in New Delhi declined to confirm the incident’, newspaper mentioned.
It was the first incidents where bullets have been fired since the landmark 1996 Sino-India agreement in which both sides pledged not to open fire, no matter what the provocation, as a part of confidence-building measures.
Sources cite this as yet another instance of China’s maintaining pressure on the 2.1 sq km area of `Finger Tip’ in northern Sikkim. Last year, China had sent a vehicle-mounted patrol into this area, penetrating 1 km into Indian Territory. The Kerang shootout prompted an unscheduled border personnel meeting on August 30.
Also last week, the entire situation along the LAC was reviewed in a war game by the Eastern Command top brass in Kolkata’s Fort William, Eastern Command HQs, in the presence of Army chief General Deepak Kapoor.
Violations aren’t new but have rarely involved casualties. What is alarming is the report of shooting along the LAC which has remained peaceful for decades since the Chinese invasion of 1962.
In contrast, the Kerang incident could be a significant and dangerous deviation from the practice of talks before bullets.
Despite ceremonial border personnel meetings (BPMs) at Nathu La in Sikkim and Bum La and Kibithu in Arunachal, Chinese troops continue to violate the LAC with brazen regularity, mentioned in news.
Posted by barunroy on September 15, 2009
FROM HAALKHABAR.COM
As per a national media source, bubbles strains along the mountainous frontier with China appear to have become serious with a revelation that two jawans of the Indo – Tibetan Border Police, the sentinel force along the Line of Actual Control (LAC), were injured in bullets fired from the Chinese side.
‘The firing in an area identified as Kerang in northern Sikkim took place a fortnight ago but has been kept under wraps. It was confirmed on Monday by a highly-placed intelligence source, who is not authorised to give information to the media. ITBP officials at its headquarters in New Delhi declined to confirm the incident’, newspaper mentioned.
It was the first incidents where bullets have been fired since the landmark 1996 Sino-India agreement in which both sides pledged not to open fire, no matter what the provocation, as a part of confidence-building measures.
Sources cite this as yet another instance of China’s maintaining pressure on the 2.1 sq km area of `Finger Tip’ in northern Sikkim. Last year, China had sent a vehicle-mounted patrol into this area, penetrating 1 km into Indian Territory. The Kerang shootout prompted an unscheduled border personnel meeting on August 30.
Also last week, the entire situation along the LAC was reviewed in a war game by the Eastern Command top brass in Kolkata’s Fort William, Eastern Command HQs, in the presence of Army chief General Deepak Kapoor.
Violations aren’t new but have rarely involved casualties. What is alarming is the report of shooting along the LAC which has remained peaceful for decades since the Chinese invasion of 1962.
In contrast, the Kerang incident could be a significant and dangerous deviation from the practice of talks before bullets.
Despite ceremonial border personnel meetings (BPMs) at Nathu La in Sikkim and Bum La and Kibithu in Arunachal, Chinese troops continue to violate the LAC with brazen regularity, mentioned in news.
_____________________________________________________________
HIMALAYAN JOURNALS or
NOTES OF A NATURALIST
IN BENGAL, THE SIKKIM AND NEPAL HIMALAYAS,
THE KHASIA MOUNTAINS, etc.
JOSEPH DALTON HOOKER, M.D., R.N., F.R.S.
First published 1854
Joseph Dalton Hooker
I arrived at Dorjiling on the 16th of April; a showery, cold month at this elevation. I was so fortunate as to find Mr. Charles Barnes (brother of my friend at Colgong), the sole tenant of a long, cottage-like building, divided off into pairs of apartments, which are hired by visitors. It is usual for Europeans to bring a full establishment of servants (with bedding, etc.) to such stations, but I had not done so, having been told that there was a furnished hotel in Dorjiling; and I was, therefore, not a little indebted to Mr. Barnes for his kind invitation to join his mess. As he was an active mountaineer, we enjoyed many excursions together, in the two months and a half during which we were companions.
Dr. Campbell procured me several active native (Lepcha) lads as collectors, at wages varying from eight to twenty shillings a month; these either accompanied me on my excursions, or went by themselves into the jungles to collect plants, which I occupied myself in drawing, dissecting, and ticketing: while the preserving of them fell to the Lepchas, who, after a little training, became, with constant superintendence, good plant-driers. Even at this season (four weeks before the setting in of the rains) the weather was very uncertain, so that the papers had generally to be dried by the fire.
The hill-station or Sanatarium of Dorjiling owes its origin (like Simla, Mussooree, etc.) to the necessity that exists in India, of providing places where the health of Europeans may be recruited by a more temperate climate. Sikkim proved an eligible position for such an establishment, owing to its proximity to Calcutta, which lies but 370 miles to the southward; whereas the north-west stations mentioned above are upwards of a thousand miles from that city. Dorjiling ridge varies in height from 6500 to 7500 feet above the level of the sea; 8000 feet being the elevation at which the mean temperature most nearly coincides with that of London, viz., 50 degrees.
Sikkim was, further, the only available spot for a Sanatarium throughout the whole range of the Himalaya, east of the extreme western frontier of Nepal; being a protected state, and owing no allegiance, except to the British government; which, after the Rajah had been driven from the country by the Ghorkas, in 1817, replaced him on his throne, and guaranteed him the sovereignty. Our main object in doing this was to retain Sikkim as a fender between Nepal and Bhotan: and but for this policy, the aggressive Nepalese would, long ere this, have possessed themselves of Sikkim, Bhotan, and the whole Himalaya, eastwards to the borders of Burmah.* [Of such being their wish the Nepalese have never made any secret, and they are said to have asked permission from the British to march an army across Sikkim for the purpose of conquering Bhotan, offering to become more peaceable neighbours to us than the Bhotanese are. Such they would doubtless have proved, but the Nepal frontier is considered broad enough already.]
From 1817 to 1828 no notice was taken of Sikkim, till a frontier dispute occurred between the Lepchas and Nepalese, which was referred (according to the terms of the treaty) to the British Government.
During the arrangement of this, Dorjiling was visited by a gentleman of high scientific attainments, Mr. J. W. Grant, who pointed out its eligibility as a site for a Sanatarium to Lord William Bentinck, then Governor-General; dwelling especially upon its climate, proximity to Calcutta, and accessibility; on its central position between Tibet, Bhotan, Nepal, and British India; and on the good example a peaceably-conducted and well-governed station would be to our turbulent neighbours in that quarter. The suggestion was cordially received, and Major Herbert (the late eminent Surveyor-General of India) and Mr. Grant were employed to report further on the subject.
The next step taken was that of requesting the Rajah to cede a tract of country which should include Dorjiling, for an equivalent in money or land. His first demand was unreasonable; but on further consideration he surrendered Dorjiling unconditionally, and a sum of 300 pounds per annum was granted to him as an equivalent for what was then a worthless uninhabited mountain. In 1840 Dr. Campbell was removed from Nepal as superintendent of the new station, and was entrusted with the charge of the political relations between the British and Sikkim government.
Once established, Dorjiling rapidly increased. Allotments of land were purchased by Europeans for building dwelling-houses; barracks and a bazaar were formed, with accommodation for invalid European soldiers; a few official residents, civil and military, formed the nucleus of a community, which was increased by retired officers and their families, and by temporary visitors in search of health, or the luxury of a cool climate and active exercise.
For the first few years matters went on smoothly with the Rajah, whose minister (or Dewan) was upright and intelligent: but the latter, on his death, was succeeded by the present Dewan, a Tibetan, and a relative of the Ranee (or Rajah’s wife); a man unsurpassed for insolence and avarice, whose aim was to monopolise the trade of the country, and to enrich himself at its expense. Every obstacle was thrown by him in the way of a good understanding between Sikkim and the British government. British subjects were rigorously excluded from Sikkim; every liberal offer for free trade and intercourse was rejected, generally with insolence; merchandise was taxed, and notorious offenders, refugees from the British territories, were harboured; despatches were detained; and the Vakeels, or Rajah’s representatives, were chosen for their insolence and incapacity. The conduct of the Dewan throughout was Indo-Chinese; assuming, insolent, aggressive, never perpetrating open violence, but by petty insults effectually preventing all good understanding. He was met by neglect or forbearance on the part of the Calcutta government; and by patience and passive resistance at Dorjiling. Our inaction and long-suffering were taken for weakness, and our concessions for timidity. Such has been our policy in China, Siam, and Burmah, and in each instance the result has been the same. Had it been insisted that the terms of the treaty should be strictly kept, and had the first act of insolence been noticed, we should have maintained the best relations with Sikkim, whose people and rulers (with the exception of the Dewan and his faction) have proved themselves friendly throughout, and most anxious for unrestricted communication
HIMALAYAN JOURNALS or
NOTES OF A NATURALIST
IN BENGAL, THE SIKKIM AND NEPAL HIMALAYAS,
THE KHASIA MOUNTAINS, etc.
JOSEPH DALTON HOOKER, M.D., R.N., F.R.S.
First published 1854
Joseph Dalton Hooker
I arrived at Dorjiling on the 16th of April; a showery, cold month at this elevation. I was so fortunate as to find Mr. Charles Barnes (brother of my friend at Colgong), the sole tenant of a long, cottage-like building, divided off into pairs of apartments, which are hired by visitors. It is usual for Europeans to bring a full establishment of servants (with bedding, etc.) to such stations, but I had not done so, having been told that there was a furnished hotel in Dorjiling; and I was, therefore, not a little indebted to Mr. Barnes for his kind invitation to join his mess. As he was an active mountaineer, we enjoyed many excursions together, in the two months and a half during which we were companions.
Dr. Campbell procured me several active native (Lepcha) lads as collectors, at wages varying from eight to twenty shillings a month; these either accompanied me on my excursions, or went by themselves into the jungles to collect plants, which I occupied myself in drawing, dissecting, and ticketing: while the preserving of them fell to the Lepchas, who, after a little training, became, with constant superintendence, good plant-driers. Even at this season (four weeks before the setting in of the rains) the weather was very uncertain, so that the papers had generally to be dried by the fire.
The hill-station or Sanatarium of Dorjiling owes its origin (like Simla, Mussooree, etc.) to the necessity that exists in India, of providing places where the health of Europeans may be recruited by a more temperate climate. Sikkim proved an eligible position for such an establishment, owing to its proximity to Calcutta, which lies but 370 miles to the southward; whereas the north-west stations mentioned above are upwards of a thousand miles from that city. Dorjiling ridge varies in height from 6500 to 7500 feet above the level of the sea; 8000 feet being the elevation at which the mean temperature most nearly coincides with that of London, viz., 50 degrees.
Sikkim was, further, the only available spot for a Sanatarium throughout the whole range of the Himalaya, east of the extreme western frontier of Nepal; being a protected state, and owing no allegiance, except to the British government; which, after the Rajah had been driven from the country by the Ghorkas, in 1817, replaced him on his throne, and guaranteed him the sovereignty. Our main object in doing this was to retain Sikkim as a fender between Nepal and Bhotan: and but for this policy, the aggressive Nepalese would, long ere this, have possessed themselves of Sikkim, Bhotan, and the whole Himalaya, eastwards to the borders of Burmah.* [Of such being their wish the Nepalese have never made any secret, and they are said to have asked permission from the British to march an army across Sikkim for the purpose of conquering Bhotan, offering to become more peaceable neighbours to us than the Bhotanese are. Such they would doubtless have proved, but the Nepal frontier is considered broad enough already.]
From 1817 to 1828 no notice was taken of Sikkim, till a frontier dispute occurred between the Lepchas and Nepalese, which was referred (according to the terms of the treaty) to the British Government.
During the arrangement of this, Dorjiling was visited by a gentleman of high scientific attainments, Mr. J. W. Grant, who pointed out its eligibility as a site for a Sanatarium to Lord William Bentinck, then Governor-General; dwelling especially upon its climate, proximity to Calcutta, and accessibility; on its central position between Tibet, Bhotan, Nepal, and British India; and on the good example a peaceably-conducted and well-governed station would be to our turbulent neighbours in that quarter. The suggestion was cordially received, and Major Herbert (the late eminent Surveyor-General of India) and Mr. Grant were employed to report further on the subject.
The next step taken was that of requesting the Rajah to cede a tract of country which should include Dorjiling, for an equivalent in money or land. His first demand was unreasonable; but on further consideration he surrendered Dorjiling unconditionally, and a sum of 300 pounds per annum was granted to him as an equivalent for what was then a worthless uninhabited mountain. In 1840 Dr. Campbell was removed from Nepal as superintendent of the new station, and was entrusted with the charge of the political relations between the British and Sikkim government.
Once established, Dorjiling rapidly increased. Allotments of land were purchased by Europeans for building dwelling-houses; barracks and a bazaar were formed, with accommodation for invalid European soldiers; a few official residents, civil and military, formed the nucleus of a community, which was increased by retired officers and their families, and by temporary visitors in search of health, or the luxury of a cool climate and active exercise.
For the first few years matters went on smoothly with the Rajah, whose minister (or Dewan) was upright and intelligent: but the latter, on his death, was succeeded by the present Dewan, a Tibetan, and a relative of the Ranee (or Rajah’s wife); a man unsurpassed for insolence and avarice, whose aim was to monopolise the trade of the country, and to enrich himself at its expense. Every obstacle was thrown by him in the way of a good understanding between Sikkim and the British government. British subjects were rigorously excluded from Sikkim; every liberal offer for free trade and intercourse was rejected, generally with insolence; merchandise was taxed, and notorious offenders, refugees from the British territories, were harboured; despatches were detained; and the Vakeels, or Rajah’s representatives, were chosen for their insolence and incapacity. The conduct of the Dewan throughout was Indo-Chinese; assuming, insolent, aggressive, never perpetrating open violence, but by petty insults effectually preventing all good understanding. He was met by neglect or forbearance on the part of the Calcutta government; and by patience and passive resistance at Dorjiling. Our inaction and long-suffering were taken for weakness, and our concessions for timidity. Such has been our policy in China, Siam, and Burmah, and in each instance the result has been the same. Had it been insisted that the terms of the treaty should be strictly kept, and had the first act of insolence been noticed, we should have maintained the best relations with Sikkim, whose people and rulers (with the exception of the Dewan and his faction) have proved themselves friendly throughout, and most anxious for unrestricted communication
Saturday 12 September 2009
A letter written by Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel to Jawaharlal Nehru in 1950 makes clear his view of the North-east and the Darjeeling Hills, writes Romit Bagchi
The Statesman
UNION home minister Sardar Vallabbhai Patel wrote a letter to Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru in November 1950. Written at a crucial juncture following China’s occupation of Tibet, the content is interesting as it helps us delve into the subjective domain of the redoubtable Congress leader, known for his matter-of-fact thinking that often bordered on orthodoxy. Though Nehru reigned supreme on the political horizon, Patel’s views, standing often in sharp contrast to what was known as “Nehruvian utopianism”, always carried weight in the Congress as well as in government circles.
The letter throws light on how an important faction controlling the organisation and the government viewed the North-east and the Darjeeling Hills in the context of the volatile security situation with China’s hegemonistic designs in South and Southeast Asia becoming all too apparent.
Nehru’s sympathy for the Communist regime in China prior to the latter’s incursion into India in 1962 is well-known. It is a fact, as rightly alluded to by the pragmatic Sardar Patel, that India under Nehru antagonised the Anglo-American lobby in its eagerness to espouse the cause of Communist China in the international arena. “During the last seven months, outside the Russian Camp, we have practically been alone in championing the cause of Chinese entry into the UNO and securing from the Americans assurances on the question of Formosa… In spite of this, China is not convinced about our disinterestedness; it continues to regard us with suspicion and the whole psychology is one, at least outwardly, of skepticism, perhaps mixed with a little hostility,” the letter ran.
But relevant to our purpose are those portions making clear Sardar Patel’s view of the North-east and the Darjeeling Hills against the backdrop of the fast deteriorating relations between the two countries in the wake of the Chinese occupation of Tibet.
“All along the Himalayas in the north and the north-east, we have on our side of the frontier a population ethnologically and culturally not different from Tibetans or Mongoloids. The undefined states of the frontier and the existence on our side of a population with its affinities to Tibetans or Chinese have all the elements of potential trouble between China and ourselves,” Sardar Patel wrote.
Expressing concern over the political conditions in the “potentially troublesome frontier”, he wrote, “Our northern and north-eastern approaches consist of Nepal, Bhutan, Sikkim, the Darjeeling and tribal areas in Assam. From the point of view of communications, they are weak spots. Continuous defensive lines do not exist. There is almost an unlimited scope for infiltration. The contact of these areas with us is by no means close and intimate. The people inhabiting these portions have no established loyalty or devotion to India. Even the Darjeeling and Kalimpong areas are not free from pro-Mongoloid prejudices.”
His analysis of the socio-political situations in the strategically sensitive region was crisp. “In Sikkim, there was political ferment some time ago. It is quite possible that discontent is smouldering there. Bhutan is comparatively quiet, but its affinity with Tibetans would be a handicap. Nepal has a weak oligarchic regime based almost entirely on force; it is in conflict with a turbulent element of the population as well as with enlightened ideas of the modern age. In these circumstances, to make people alive to the new danger or to make them defensively strong is a very difficult task and the difficulty can be got over only by enlightened firmness, strength and a clear line of policy. I am sure the Chinese and their source of inspiration, Soviet Russia, would not miss any opportunity of exploiting these weak spots, partly in support of their ideology and partly in support of their ambitions. In my judgment, the situation is one in which we cannot afford to either to be complacent or to be vacillating. Any faltering or lack of decisiveness in formulating our objectives or in pursuing our policy to attain those objectives is bound to weaken us and increase the threats which are so evident,” he wrote.
The situation on the north-east frontier seems to be more alarming now than what it was at the time Sardar Patel wrote the letter to Nehru, cautioning him against dilly-dallying regarding the “vulnerable” region.
Reports keep pouring in from the north and north-east regarding the Chinese army’s penetration into Indian territory. And Nepal remains mired in political turmoil with China seemingly desperate to drive a permanent wedge between Nepal and India using the Maoists as its stooges.
Chinese troops are reported to have made forays as deep as 15 km into Indian territory near Mount Gaya in the Ladakh region, violating the international border. This penetration was preceded by a helicopter incursions into Indian airspace in the same sensitive region. Such forays have also been reported into some parts of Arunachal Pradesh and Sikkim and other parts of the North-east through Nathu-La and other borders. According to the Indo-Tibetan Border Police, the Chinese army has made at least 140 incursions into Indian territory in the past year.
The situation in Nepal is equally disturbing with the intensity in anti-India frenzy growing each day and the Chinese government, desperate to strategically weaken India, is trying hard to win the confidence of the present dispensation in Nepal. And, most interestingly, China is befriending Nepal as also other countries in South and South-east Asia — not by exerting pressure but by assuring economic assistance.
When bilateral relations between India and Nepal seem like looking up following the installation of the Madhav Nepal government, the desperation of the Chinese government to outpace India is becoming all too apparent. China is all set to enter into a long-term friendship treaty with Nepal on the lines of one that Nepal has with India. China has assured Nepal of providing much more economic assistance for its development than India is capable of.
Military analysts seem unanimous in their views that a repeat of 1962 is on the cards. China is apparently trying to turn the neighbouring countries into hostile territories for India in its long-term strategy of encircling India by propping up pro-China dispensations around it. And, going by what has been happening in Nepal, it can be safely assumed that the anti-India hysteria will grow stronger with the passage of time.
Face to face with such a grim scenario unfolding in the sensitive theatre, it is anybody’s guess whether the Centre will condescend enough, regarding the statehood demand when the new state will principally comprise of settlers from Nepal.
Even the British government did not evince interest in gifting the Darjeeling Hills a separate political entity, keeping in view the strategic interest of English imperialism amidst the baffling cross-currents of ethno-political equations in the volatile region.
As a matter of fact, there was not much difference in the thinking of the British imperialists and Sardar Patel as far as the assumed ethnological affinity in the Mongoloid belt and its serious implications on matters of security and integrity are concerned.
The Gorkhaland protagonists are, however, vociferous in their loyalty towards India. According to them, a separate Gorkhaland state would be in the best interest of the country, as it would stand as a bulwark of defence against the machinations of anti-India forces in what is strategically known as the “chicken neck”. And there is no reason to doubt the sincerity behind such profession of national loyalty.
Yet, the question is: will such professions cut any ice with those who are in a position to make or unmake a state? Does Pranab Mukherjee’s categorical rejection of the Gorkhaland demand smack of mere xenophobic excrescence as is being supposed by the GJMM leadership, or does it echo the apprehension regarding the region, which Sardar Patel shared with the dominant section of the ruling clique and tried to din deep into the “ideology-befuddled” mind of the romantic Nehru?
The Statesman
UNION home minister Sardar Vallabbhai Patel wrote a letter to Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru in November 1950. Written at a crucial juncture following China’s occupation of Tibet, the content is interesting as it helps us delve into the subjective domain of the redoubtable Congress leader, known for his matter-of-fact thinking that often bordered on orthodoxy. Though Nehru reigned supreme on the political horizon, Patel’s views, standing often in sharp contrast to what was known as “Nehruvian utopianism”, always carried weight in the Congress as well as in government circles.
The letter throws light on how an important faction controlling the organisation and the government viewed the North-east and the Darjeeling Hills in the context of the volatile security situation with China’s hegemonistic designs in South and Southeast Asia becoming all too apparent.
Nehru’s sympathy for the Communist regime in China prior to the latter’s incursion into India in 1962 is well-known. It is a fact, as rightly alluded to by the pragmatic Sardar Patel, that India under Nehru antagonised the Anglo-American lobby in its eagerness to espouse the cause of Communist China in the international arena. “During the last seven months, outside the Russian Camp, we have practically been alone in championing the cause of Chinese entry into the UNO and securing from the Americans assurances on the question of Formosa… In spite of this, China is not convinced about our disinterestedness; it continues to regard us with suspicion and the whole psychology is one, at least outwardly, of skepticism, perhaps mixed with a little hostility,” the letter ran.
But relevant to our purpose are those portions making clear Sardar Patel’s view of the North-east and the Darjeeling Hills against the backdrop of the fast deteriorating relations between the two countries in the wake of the Chinese occupation of Tibet.
“All along the Himalayas in the north and the north-east, we have on our side of the frontier a population ethnologically and culturally not different from Tibetans or Mongoloids. The undefined states of the frontier and the existence on our side of a population with its affinities to Tibetans or Chinese have all the elements of potential trouble between China and ourselves,” Sardar Patel wrote.
Expressing concern over the political conditions in the “potentially troublesome frontier”, he wrote, “Our northern and north-eastern approaches consist of Nepal, Bhutan, Sikkim, the Darjeeling and tribal areas in Assam. From the point of view of communications, they are weak spots. Continuous defensive lines do not exist. There is almost an unlimited scope for infiltration. The contact of these areas with us is by no means close and intimate. The people inhabiting these portions have no established loyalty or devotion to India. Even the Darjeeling and Kalimpong areas are not free from pro-Mongoloid prejudices.”
His analysis of the socio-political situations in the strategically sensitive region was crisp. “In Sikkim, there was political ferment some time ago. It is quite possible that discontent is smouldering there. Bhutan is comparatively quiet, but its affinity with Tibetans would be a handicap. Nepal has a weak oligarchic regime based almost entirely on force; it is in conflict with a turbulent element of the population as well as with enlightened ideas of the modern age. In these circumstances, to make people alive to the new danger or to make them defensively strong is a very difficult task and the difficulty can be got over only by enlightened firmness, strength and a clear line of policy. I am sure the Chinese and their source of inspiration, Soviet Russia, would not miss any opportunity of exploiting these weak spots, partly in support of their ideology and partly in support of their ambitions. In my judgment, the situation is one in which we cannot afford to either to be complacent or to be vacillating. Any faltering or lack of decisiveness in formulating our objectives or in pursuing our policy to attain those objectives is bound to weaken us and increase the threats which are so evident,” he wrote.
The situation on the north-east frontier seems to be more alarming now than what it was at the time Sardar Patel wrote the letter to Nehru, cautioning him against dilly-dallying regarding the “vulnerable” region.
Reports keep pouring in from the north and north-east regarding the Chinese army’s penetration into Indian territory. And Nepal remains mired in political turmoil with China seemingly desperate to drive a permanent wedge between Nepal and India using the Maoists as its stooges.
Chinese troops are reported to have made forays as deep as 15 km into Indian territory near Mount Gaya in the Ladakh region, violating the international border. This penetration was preceded by a helicopter incursions into Indian airspace in the same sensitive region. Such forays have also been reported into some parts of Arunachal Pradesh and Sikkim and other parts of the North-east through Nathu-La and other borders. According to the Indo-Tibetan Border Police, the Chinese army has made at least 140 incursions into Indian territory in the past year.
The situation in Nepal is equally disturbing with the intensity in anti-India frenzy growing each day and the Chinese government, desperate to strategically weaken India, is trying hard to win the confidence of the present dispensation in Nepal. And, most interestingly, China is befriending Nepal as also other countries in South and South-east Asia — not by exerting pressure but by assuring economic assistance.
When bilateral relations between India and Nepal seem like looking up following the installation of the Madhav Nepal government, the desperation of the Chinese government to outpace India is becoming all too apparent. China is all set to enter into a long-term friendship treaty with Nepal on the lines of one that Nepal has with India. China has assured Nepal of providing much more economic assistance for its development than India is capable of.
Military analysts seem unanimous in their views that a repeat of 1962 is on the cards. China is apparently trying to turn the neighbouring countries into hostile territories for India in its long-term strategy of encircling India by propping up pro-China dispensations around it. And, going by what has been happening in Nepal, it can be safely assumed that the anti-India hysteria will grow stronger with the passage of time.
Face to face with such a grim scenario unfolding in the sensitive theatre, it is anybody’s guess whether the Centre will condescend enough, regarding the statehood demand when the new state will principally comprise of settlers from Nepal.
Even the British government did not evince interest in gifting the Darjeeling Hills a separate political entity, keeping in view the strategic interest of English imperialism amidst the baffling cross-currents of ethno-political equations in the volatile region.
As a matter of fact, there was not much difference in the thinking of the British imperialists and Sardar Patel as far as the assumed ethnological affinity in the Mongoloid belt and its serious implications on matters of security and integrity are concerned.
The Gorkhaland protagonists are, however, vociferous in their loyalty towards India. According to them, a separate Gorkhaland state would be in the best interest of the country, as it would stand as a bulwark of defence against the machinations of anti-India forces in what is strategically known as the “chicken neck”. And there is no reason to doubt the sincerity behind such profession of national loyalty.
Yet, the question is: will such professions cut any ice with those who are in a position to make or unmake a state? Does Pranab Mukherjee’s categorical rejection of the Gorkhaland demand smack of mere xenophobic excrescence as is being supposed by the GJMM leadership, or does it echo the apprehension regarding the region, which Sardar Patel shared with the dominant section of the ruling clique and tried to din deep into the “ideology-befuddled” mind of the romantic Nehru?
NEPAL: First complete image created of Himalayan fault, subduction zone
An international team of researchers has created the most complete seismic image of the Earth’s crust and upper mantle beneath the rugged Himalaya Mountains, in the process discovering some unusual geologic features that may explain how the region has evolved.
Their findings, published this week in the journal Science, help explain the formation of the world’s largest mountain range, which is still growing.
The researchers discovered that as the Indian and Eurasian tectonic plates collide, the Indian lower crust slides under the Tibetan crust, while the upper mantle peels away from the crust and drops down in a diffuse manner.
“The building of Tibet is not a simple process,” said John Nabelek, an Oregon State University geophysicist and lead author on the Science study. “In part, the mountain building is similar to pushing dirt with a bulldozer except in this case, the Indian sediments pile up into a wedge that is the lesser Himalayan mountains.
“However, an important component of the mass transfer from the upper crust of India to the Himalayas also occurs at depth through viscous processes, while the lower crust continues sliding intact farther north under the Tibet plateau,” Nabelek added.
The findings are important because there has been clear scientific consensus on the boundaries and processes for that region’s tectonic plates. In fact, the piecemeal images gathered by previous research have led to a series of conflicting models of the lithospheric structure and plate movement.
In this study, the international research team — called Hi-CLIMB (Himalayan-Tibetan Continental Lithosphere during Mountain Building) — was able to create new in-depth images of the Earth’s structure beneath the Himalayas.
The interface between the subducting Indian plate and the upper Himalayan and Tibetan crust is the Main Himalayan thrust fault, which reaches the surface in southern Nepal, Nabelek said. The new images show it extends from the surface to mid-crustal depths in central Tibet, but the shallow part of the fault sticks, leading to historically devastating mega-thrust earthquakes.
“The deep part is ductile,” Nabelek said, “and slips in a continuous fashion. Knowing the depth and geometry of this interface will advance research on a variety of fronts, including the interpretation of strain accumulation from GPS measurements prior to large earthquakes.”
Nabelek, an associate professor in OSU’s College of Oceanic and Atmospheric Sciences, said the lower part of the Indian crust slides about 450 kilometers under the southern Tibetan plate and the mantle appears to shear off and break into sub-parallel segments.
The researchers found evidence that subduction in the fault zone has been occurring from both the north and south sides ? likely at different times in its geologic history.
In this project, funded primarily by the National Science Foundation, the researchers deployed and monitored about 230 seismic stations for a period of three years, cutting across 800 kilometers of some of the most remote terrain in the world. The lowest-elevation station was at 12 meters above sea level in Nepal; the highest, nearly 5,500 meters in Tibet. In fact, 30 of the stations were higher than 5,000 meters, or 16,400 feet.
“The research took us from the jungles of Nepal, with its elephants, crocodiles and rhinos, to the barren, wind-swept heights of Tibet in areas where nothing grew for hundreds of miles and there were absolutely no humans around,” Nabelek said. “That remoteness is one reason this region had never previously been completely profiled.”
Other authors on the Science study include Gyorgy Hetenyi and Jerome Vergne of Ecole Normale Superieure in France; Soma Sapkota and Basant Kafle, Department of Mines and Geology in Kathmandu, Nepal; Mei Jiang and Heping Su, Chinese Academy of Geologic Sciences; John Chen, Peking University in Beijing; Bor-Shouh Huang, Academia Sinica in Taiwan; and the Hi-CLIMB Team.
Note to Editors: Photos are available to illustrate this release at the links below:
Soma Sapkota, of Nepal’s Department of Mines and Geology, at a seismic station in barren, wind-swept central Tibet. (photo courtesy of OSU’s John Nabelek) http://www.flickr.com/photos/oregonstateuniversity/3909284267/
The Hi-CLIMB (Himalayan-Tibetan Continental Lithosphere during Mountain Building) seismic station at the Mt. Everest base camp in Tibet. (photo courtesy of OSU’s John Nabelek) http://www.flickr.com/photos/oregonstateuniversity/3909288983/
The researchers go through Chitwan National Park in Nepal after completing the first phase of the network deployment. (photo courtesy of OSU’s John Nabelek) http://www.flickr.com/photos/oregonstateuniversity/3910077916
An international team of researchers has created the most complete seismic image of the Earth’s crust and upper mantle beneath the rugged Himalaya Mountains, in the process discovering some unusual geologic features that may explain how the region has evolved.
Their findings, published this week in the journal Science, help explain the formation of the world’s largest mountain range, which is still growing.
The researchers discovered that as the Indian and Eurasian tectonic plates collide, the Indian lower crust slides under the Tibetan crust, while the upper mantle peels away from the crust and drops down in a diffuse manner.
“The building of Tibet is not a simple process,” said John Nabelek, an Oregon State University geophysicist and lead author on the Science study. “In part, the mountain building is similar to pushing dirt with a bulldozer except in this case, the Indian sediments pile up into a wedge that is the lesser Himalayan mountains.
“However, an important component of the mass transfer from the upper crust of India to the Himalayas also occurs at depth through viscous processes, while the lower crust continues sliding intact farther north under the Tibet plateau,” Nabelek added.
The findings are important because there has been clear scientific consensus on the boundaries and processes for that region’s tectonic plates. In fact, the piecemeal images gathered by previous research have led to a series of conflicting models of the lithospheric structure and plate movement.
In this study, the international research team — called Hi-CLIMB (Himalayan-Tibetan Continental Lithosphere during Mountain Building) — was able to create new in-depth images of the Earth’s structure beneath the Himalayas.
The interface between the subducting Indian plate and the upper Himalayan and Tibetan crust is the Main Himalayan thrust fault, which reaches the surface in southern Nepal, Nabelek said. The new images show it extends from the surface to mid-crustal depths in central Tibet, but the shallow part of the fault sticks, leading to historically devastating mega-thrust earthquakes.
“The deep part is ductile,” Nabelek said, “and slips in a continuous fashion. Knowing the depth and geometry of this interface will advance research on a variety of fronts, including the interpretation of strain accumulation from GPS measurements prior to large earthquakes.”
Nabelek, an associate professor in OSU’s College of Oceanic and Atmospheric Sciences, said the lower part of the Indian crust slides about 450 kilometers under the southern Tibetan plate and the mantle appears to shear off and break into sub-parallel segments.
The researchers found evidence that subduction in the fault zone has been occurring from both the north and south sides ? likely at different times in its geologic history.
In this project, funded primarily by the National Science Foundation, the researchers deployed and monitored about 230 seismic stations for a period of three years, cutting across 800 kilometers of some of the most remote terrain in the world. The lowest-elevation station was at 12 meters above sea level in Nepal; the highest, nearly 5,500 meters in Tibet. In fact, 30 of the stations were higher than 5,000 meters, or 16,400 feet.
“The research took us from the jungles of Nepal, with its elephants, crocodiles and rhinos, to the barren, wind-swept heights of Tibet in areas where nothing grew for hundreds of miles and there were absolutely no humans around,” Nabelek said. “That remoteness is one reason this region had never previously been completely profiled.”
Other authors on the Science study include Gyorgy Hetenyi and Jerome Vergne of Ecole Normale Superieure in France; Soma Sapkota and Basant Kafle, Department of Mines and Geology in Kathmandu, Nepal; Mei Jiang and Heping Su, Chinese Academy of Geologic Sciences; John Chen, Peking University in Beijing; Bor-Shouh Huang, Academia Sinica in Taiwan; and the Hi-CLIMB Team.
Note to Editors: Photos are available to illustrate this release at the links below:
Soma Sapkota, of Nepal’s Department of Mines and Geology, at a seismic station in barren, wind-swept central Tibet. (photo courtesy of OSU’s John Nabelek) http://www.flickr.com/photos/oregonstateuniversity/3909284267/
The Hi-CLIMB (Himalayan-Tibetan Continental Lithosphere during Mountain Building) seismic station at the Mt. Everest base camp in Tibet. (photo courtesy of OSU’s John Nabelek) http://www.flickr.com/photos/oregonstateuniversity/3909288983/
The researchers go through Chitwan National Park in Nepal after completing the first phase of the network deployment. (photo courtesy of OSU’s John Nabelek) http://www.flickr.com/photos/oregonstateuniversity/3910077916
Friday 11 September 2009
Muslims of Tibet
ESSAY: Muslims of Tibet
FROM TIBETAN BULLETIN
BY MASOOD BUTT
Tibet had pockets of Muslims entrenched within its borders although there is no documentary evidence on how Muslims first came to settle there. In fact, information on Tibetan Muslims in general itself is scarce. But the existence of Tibet appears to be known to the Muslim world from the earliest period of recorded history. Arab historians like Yaqut Hamawi, Ibn Khaldun and Tabari mention Tibet in their writings. In fact, Yaqut Hamawihas, in his book Muajumal Buldan (encyclopaedia of countries), refers to Tibet in three different ways Tabbat, Tibet and Tubbet.
During the reign of Umar bin Abdul Aziz (717-720) of the Persian Empire, it is believed that a delegation from Tibet and China requested him to send Islamic missionaries to their countries. Caliph Umar is said to have sent Salah bin Abdullah Hanafi to Tibet. The Abbasid rulers of Baghdad also maintained re1ations with Tibet in the eighth and the ninth centuries.
Kashmir and Eastern Turkestan were the nearest Islamic regions bordering Tibet. It is said that Muslim migrants from Kashmir and Ladakh areas first entered Tibet around 12th century. Gradually, marriages and social interaction led to an increase in the population until a sizable community came up around Lhasa, Tibet’s capital. There was no large-scale conversion to Islam though. Thomas Arnold, in his book, The Preaching of Islam, published in the early part of this century says, “Islam has also been carried into Tibet proper by Kashmiri merchants. Settlements of such merchants are to be found in all the chief cities of Tibet: they marry Tibetan women, who often adopt the religion of their husbands…”
Tibetan Muslims trace their origin from immigrants from four main regions: China, Kashmir, Ladakh and Nepal. Islamic influence in Tibet also came from Persia and Turkestan.
Muslims are known as Khache among Tibetans. This appear to be because the earliest Muslim settlers to Tibet were from Kashmir which was known as Khache Yul to Tibetans.
The arrival of Muslims was followed by the construction of mosques in different parts of Tibet. There were four mosques in Lhasa, two in Shigatse and one in Tsethang. In recent years, one mosque in Lhasa has been renovated, with Tibetan Muslims from India sending religious inscriptions to it for use. Tibetan Muslims were mainly concentrated around the mosques that they constructed. These mosques were maintained well and were the centres of Muslim social life in Tibet.
Tibetan Muslims led a reasonably free life in a Buddhist environment. In fact, during the time of the fifth Dalai Lama, Tibetan Muslims received the following special privileges:
i) They were permitted to settle their affairs independently, according to the Shariat Laws. The government permitted the Muslim community to elect a five-man committee, known as ‘Ponj’ who looked after their interest. From among the Ponj, a leader – known as Mia to Muslims and Kbache Gopa – (Muslim headman) among non-Muslims – was elected. ii) Tibetan Muslims were free to set up commercial enterprises and were exempted from taxation. iii) Tibetan Muslims were also exempted from implementing the ‘no meat rule’ when such a restriction was imposed in Tibet every year during a holy Buddhist month. Muslims were also exempted from removing their caps to Buddhist priests during a period in a year when the priests held sway over the town. Muslims were also granted the Mina Dronbo (invitation to different communities) status to commemorate the assumption of spiritual and temporal authority by the fifth Dalai Lama.
In addition, Muslims had their own burial place. There were two cemeteries around Lhasa: one at Gyanda Linka about 12 km from Lhasa town and the other at Kygasha about 15 km away. A portion of Gyanda Linka was turned into a garden and this became the place where the Muslim community organised their major functions. Gyanda Linka is said to contain unmarked graves believed to be those of foreigners who came to preach Islam to Tibet. Kygasha was mainly used by Muslims of Chinese origin.
The above privileges were contained in a written document provided to the Tibetan Muslim community by the Tibetan government. These privileges were enjoyed until Chinese occupation of Tibet in 1959.
Tibetan Muslims confined themselves mainly to trade and commerce. Hardly any of them indulged in fanning. As the community grew, Madrasas (primary schools) were set up in which children were taught about Islam, the Koran and the method of offering namaz (prayers). Urdu language was also part of the curriculum. There were two such Madrasas in Lhasa and one in Shigatse.
After finishing their stuthes in these Madrasas, students were sent to India to join Islamic institutes of higher learning such as Darul-U1oom in Deoband, Nadwatul-U1ema in Lucknow and Jamia Millia Islamia in New Delhi. The annual report of Darul-U1oom for the year 1875 mention the presence of two foreign students there: a Burmese and a Tibetan. Jamia Millia Islamia received its first batch of Tibetan students in 1945.
In those days, transportation within Tibet was a problem. Students were sent along with Muslim merchants making their annuals trip to India. This took months as they had walk or ride on yaks for most of the way. Therefore, once the students got admitted to institution in India, they usually did not return to Tibet until the completion of a stage of their education.
Quite a few Tibetan Muslims have successfully completed their stuthes in India, with many being well versed in Arabic, Urdu and Persian. The most famous among them could be Faidhullah who undertook the ambitious task of translating into Tibetan Gulestan and Boastan, Persian poetry of Sheik Sadi. Faidhullah’s is well known among Tibetans for his popular book aphorism Khache Phalu (few words of advices from a Muslim). Even today, Tibetans continue to quote from his book, (an English translation of Khache Phaluh as been done by Dr. Dawa Norbu and published by the Library of Tibetan Works & Archives).
Tibetan Muslims were able to preserve their community’s identity while at the same time absorbing their traditional Tibetan social and cultural traditions. They elected a Ponj committee to look after their affairs. The Tibetan government approved the formation of this committee and gave it a free hand to undertake its activities and to decide on matters concerning the Tibetan Muslim community. Tibetan Muslims have also made significant contribution to Tibetan culture, particularly in the field of music. Nangma, a popular c1assica1 music of Tibet, is said to have been brought to Tibet by Tibetan Muslims. In fact, the very term Nangma is believed to be a corruption of the Urdu word Naghma meaning song. These high-pitched tilting songs, developed in Tibet around the turn of the Century, were a craze in Lhasa with musical hits by Acha Izzat, Bhai Akbar-la and Oulam Mehdi on the lips of almost everyone.
After the Tibetan National Uprising of 1959 His Holiness the Dalai Lama went into-exile in India followed by a significant number of Tibetans. However, a majority of Tibetan Muslims, particularly those residing in Lhasa, could go out of Tibet only a year later. In between they had to suffer extortion, terrorism and cruelty under the hands of Chinese occupation forces, like their fellow Tibetans. During this critical period, Tibetan Muslims organised themselves. They approached the Indian mission in Lhasa to claim for Indian citizenship, referring to their Kashmiri ancestry, to escape Chinese tyranny. Mr. P.N.Kaul was the head of the Indian mission then. At that time, the head of the Ponj of Tibetan Muslims was Haji Habibullah Shamo. He was, however , under Chinese detention along with other leaders like Bhai Addul Gani-la;.Rapse Hamidullah, Abdua1 Ahad Hajj, Abdul Qadir Jami and HajiAbdul Gani Thapsha under various charges. While Bhai Abdu1 Gani-la was charged with the putting up of anti-Chinese posters, Rapse Hamidullah was arrested on account of his connection with a senior Tibetan official. The initial response of the Indian Government was lukewarm. It said only those whose Permanent domicile remained in the state of Jammu & Kashmir and who visited India from time to time, whose parents or one of whose grandparents were born in undivided India, are potential citizens of India”, and it would , only accept them. But some time later, in later 1959, the Indian Government suddenly came out with the statement that all Tibetan Muslims were Indian nationals, and started distributing application forms for Indian nationality among them.
Chinese illtreatment of Tibetan Muslims continued Chinese authorities duped Tibetan Muslims into selling their property to them in return for the freedom to emigrate to any Muslim country. Seeing this as a possible way of saving their religion and culture, many Tibetan Muslims willingly parted with their property. But having acquired these property, 1ibetan Muslims were not allowed to emigrate. Instead, restrictions were imposed, and a social boycott declared. Nobody was allowed to sell food to Tibetan Muslims. Many old and weak Tibetan Muslims as well as children thed of starvation.
Those Tibetan Muslims who were able to cross over into India in the border towns of Kalimpong, Darjeeling and Gangtok in late 1959 gradually moved to Kashmir , their ancestral homeland from 1961 to 1964. They were accommodated in three huge buildings in Idd-Gah in Srlnagar by the Indian Government. At that time, His Holiness the Dalai Lama had sent his Representative to inquire about the conditions of Tibetan Muslims.
During the first two decades of their life in exile, Tibetan Muslims attempted to rebuild and re-organise themselves. Lack of proper guidance and leadership proved to be an obstacle in their development. Also, housing in Idd Gah was inadequate to meet the requirements of a growing family. In the process, Tibetan Muslims began to scatter, emigrating to Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Nepal as well as moving to other parts of India in search of better opportunity .
His Holiness the Dalai Lama continued to keep in touch with the situation of Tibetan Muslims. Knowing their problems, His Holiness, during his visit to Srinagar in 1975, took up the matter with the Chief Minister of Jammu & Kashmir. He also encouraged the formation of the Tibetan Muslim Refugee Welfare Association. This Association began to chalk out projects for the economic and educational upliftment of Tibetan Muslims. With an initial financial assistance by His Holiness, coupled with assistance received, later from Tibet Fund, New York, a handicraft centre, a co-operative shop and a school were established. A group of young Tibetan Muslims were given training in Carpet making in Dharamsala.
The Association was able to get some land for resettlement. Saudi Arabia provided funds for the construction of 144 houses and a mosque in the new settlement. Construction was completed in 1985 and the houses distributed among the people. Not all people could be accommodated and some continued to reside in the old settlement.
A primary school had been started in 1975 in a rented building to provide modern as well as traditional education to Tibetan Muslim children. Although the school was shifted to a comparatively better place in the new settlement, it still faces problems: it is run on donations and does not have a separate compound. However, some students are being sent to Central Schools for Tibetans elsewhere in India. To date, 22 Tibetan Muslim children have been admitted to Central School for Tibetans in Shimla and Dalhousie in Himachal Pradesh state.
The Association has eight office bearers who look after the affairs of the community . There is a Tibetan Muslim Youth Association which plays an important role in social upliftment of the community . This youth association is in contact with the Tibetan Youth Congress. The Department of Health in Dharamsala has set up a primary health care centre to look after the medical needs of the settlers.
Nothing much is known of the present condition of Tibetan Muslims inside Tibet. According to one report there are around 3000 Tibetan Muslims and around 20,000 Chinese Muslims. Since the opening up of Tibet, some Tibetan Mus1ims outside Tibet have been able to visit the country while quite a few have also come out.
The total population of Tibetan Muslims outside Tibet is around 2000. Of them, 20 to 25 families live in Nepal, 20 in the Gulf countries and Turkey. Fifty families reside in Darjeeling-Kalimpong areas bordering Tibet in eastern India. Tibetan Muslims in Darjeeling, Kalimpong and Nepal have a joint Tibetan Muslim Welfare Association based in Kalimpong. Its present general secretary is Mr. Amanulla Chisti. During His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s visit to Darjeeling in April l993. Tibetan Muslims there dressed in their traditional garments participated in a ceremony. There are around 1200 Tibetans in the new settlement in Srinagar consisting of 210 families.
Tibetans in general have suffered greatly under Chinese occupation. Tibetan Muslims have undergone great mental and physical strain on account of their peculia situation. They continue to look upon their Muslim brethren throughout the world to support peaceful solution of the Tibetan problem so that the, too, like their Tibetan Buddhist brethren, can return to their homeland. When asked whether he would return to Tibet in the even of a solution, a young Tibetan Muslim responded, “It is better to live under the bridge in one’s own homeland than be a refugee in an alien land.”
FROM TIBETAN BULLETIN
BY MASOOD BUTT
Tibet had pockets of Muslims entrenched within its borders although there is no documentary evidence on how Muslims first came to settle there. In fact, information on Tibetan Muslims in general itself is scarce. But the existence of Tibet appears to be known to the Muslim world from the earliest period of recorded history. Arab historians like Yaqut Hamawi, Ibn Khaldun and Tabari mention Tibet in their writings. In fact, Yaqut Hamawihas, in his book Muajumal Buldan (encyclopaedia of countries), refers to Tibet in three different ways Tabbat, Tibet and Tubbet.
During the reign of Umar bin Abdul Aziz (717-720) of the Persian Empire, it is believed that a delegation from Tibet and China requested him to send Islamic missionaries to their countries. Caliph Umar is said to have sent Salah bin Abdullah Hanafi to Tibet. The Abbasid rulers of Baghdad also maintained re1ations with Tibet in the eighth and the ninth centuries.
Kashmir and Eastern Turkestan were the nearest Islamic regions bordering Tibet. It is said that Muslim migrants from Kashmir and Ladakh areas first entered Tibet around 12th century. Gradually, marriages and social interaction led to an increase in the population until a sizable community came up around Lhasa, Tibet’s capital. There was no large-scale conversion to Islam though. Thomas Arnold, in his book, The Preaching of Islam, published in the early part of this century says, “Islam has also been carried into Tibet proper by Kashmiri merchants. Settlements of such merchants are to be found in all the chief cities of Tibet: they marry Tibetan women, who often adopt the religion of their husbands…”
Tibetan Muslims trace their origin from immigrants from four main regions: China, Kashmir, Ladakh and Nepal. Islamic influence in Tibet also came from Persia and Turkestan.
Muslims are known as Khache among Tibetans. This appear to be because the earliest Muslim settlers to Tibet were from Kashmir which was known as Khache Yul to Tibetans.
The arrival of Muslims was followed by the construction of mosques in different parts of Tibet. There were four mosques in Lhasa, two in Shigatse and one in Tsethang. In recent years, one mosque in Lhasa has been renovated, with Tibetan Muslims from India sending religious inscriptions to it for use. Tibetan Muslims were mainly concentrated around the mosques that they constructed. These mosques were maintained well and were the centres of Muslim social life in Tibet.
Tibetan Muslims led a reasonably free life in a Buddhist environment. In fact, during the time of the fifth Dalai Lama, Tibetan Muslims received the following special privileges:
i) They were permitted to settle their affairs independently, according to the Shariat Laws. The government permitted the Muslim community to elect a five-man committee, known as ‘Ponj’ who looked after their interest. From among the Ponj, a leader – known as Mia to Muslims and Kbache Gopa – (Muslim headman) among non-Muslims – was elected. ii) Tibetan Muslims were free to set up commercial enterprises and were exempted from taxation. iii) Tibetan Muslims were also exempted from implementing the ‘no meat rule’ when such a restriction was imposed in Tibet every year during a holy Buddhist month. Muslims were also exempted from removing their caps to Buddhist priests during a period in a year when the priests held sway over the town. Muslims were also granted the Mina Dronbo (invitation to different communities) status to commemorate the assumption of spiritual and temporal authority by the fifth Dalai Lama.
In addition, Muslims had their own burial place. There were two cemeteries around Lhasa: one at Gyanda Linka about 12 km from Lhasa town and the other at Kygasha about 15 km away. A portion of Gyanda Linka was turned into a garden and this became the place where the Muslim community organised their major functions. Gyanda Linka is said to contain unmarked graves believed to be those of foreigners who came to preach Islam to Tibet. Kygasha was mainly used by Muslims of Chinese origin.
The above privileges were contained in a written document provided to the Tibetan Muslim community by the Tibetan government. These privileges were enjoyed until Chinese occupation of Tibet in 1959.
Tibetan Muslims confined themselves mainly to trade and commerce. Hardly any of them indulged in fanning. As the community grew, Madrasas (primary schools) were set up in which children were taught about Islam, the Koran and the method of offering namaz (prayers). Urdu language was also part of the curriculum. There were two such Madrasas in Lhasa and one in Shigatse.
After finishing their stuthes in these Madrasas, students were sent to India to join Islamic institutes of higher learning such as Darul-U1oom in Deoband, Nadwatul-U1ema in Lucknow and Jamia Millia Islamia in New Delhi. The annual report of Darul-U1oom for the year 1875 mention the presence of two foreign students there: a Burmese and a Tibetan. Jamia Millia Islamia received its first batch of Tibetan students in 1945.
In those days, transportation within Tibet was a problem. Students were sent along with Muslim merchants making their annuals trip to India. This took months as they had walk or ride on yaks for most of the way. Therefore, once the students got admitted to institution in India, they usually did not return to Tibet until the completion of a stage of their education.
Quite a few Tibetan Muslims have successfully completed their stuthes in India, with many being well versed in Arabic, Urdu and Persian. The most famous among them could be Faidhullah who undertook the ambitious task of translating into Tibetan Gulestan and Boastan, Persian poetry of Sheik Sadi. Faidhullah’s is well known among Tibetans for his popular book aphorism Khache Phalu (few words of advices from a Muslim). Even today, Tibetans continue to quote from his book, (an English translation of Khache Phaluh as been done by Dr. Dawa Norbu and published by the Library of Tibetan Works & Archives).
Tibetan Muslims were able to preserve their community’s identity while at the same time absorbing their traditional Tibetan social and cultural traditions. They elected a Ponj committee to look after their affairs. The Tibetan government approved the formation of this committee and gave it a free hand to undertake its activities and to decide on matters concerning the Tibetan Muslim community. Tibetan Muslims have also made significant contribution to Tibetan culture, particularly in the field of music. Nangma, a popular c1assica1 music of Tibet, is said to have been brought to Tibet by Tibetan Muslims. In fact, the very term Nangma is believed to be a corruption of the Urdu word Naghma meaning song. These high-pitched tilting songs, developed in Tibet around the turn of the Century, were a craze in Lhasa with musical hits by Acha Izzat, Bhai Akbar-la and Oulam Mehdi on the lips of almost everyone.
After the Tibetan National Uprising of 1959 His Holiness the Dalai Lama went into-exile in India followed by a significant number of Tibetans. However, a majority of Tibetan Muslims, particularly those residing in Lhasa, could go out of Tibet only a year later. In between they had to suffer extortion, terrorism and cruelty under the hands of Chinese occupation forces, like their fellow Tibetans. During this critical period, Tibetan Muslims organised themselves. They approached the Indian mission in Lhasa to claim for Indian citizenship, referring to their Kashmiri ancestry, to escape Chinese tyranny. Mr. P.N.Kaul was the head of the Indian mission then. At that time, the head of the Ponj of Tibetan Muslims was Haji Habibullah Shamo. He was, however , under Chinese detention along with other leaders like Bhai Addul Gani-la;.Rapse Hamidullah, Abdua1 Ahad Hajj, Abdul Qadir Jami and HajiAbdul Gani Thapsha under various charges. While Bhai Abdu1 Gani-la was charged with the putting up of anti-Chinese posters, Rapse Hamidullah was arrested on account of his connection with a senior Tibetan official. The initial response of the Indian Government was lukewarm. It said only those whose Permanent domicile remained in the state of Jammu & Kashmir and who visited India from time to time, whose parents or one of whose grandparents were born in undivided India, are potential citizens of India”, and it would , only accept them. But some time later, in later 1959, the Indian Government suddenly came out with the statement that all Tibetan Muslims were Indian nationals, and started distributing application forms for Indian nationality among them.
Chinese illtreatment of Tibetan Muslims continued Chinese authorities duped Tibetan Muslims into selling their property to them in return for the freedom to emigrate to any Muslim country. Seeing this as a possible way of saving their religion and culture, many Tibetan Muslims willingly parted with their property. But having acquired these property, 1ibetan Muslims were not allowed to emigrate. Instead, restrictions were imposed, and a social boycott declared. Nobody was allowed to sell food to Tibetan Muslims. Many old and weak Tibetan Muslims as well as children thed of starvation.
Those Tibetan Muslims who were able to cross over into India in the border towns of Kalimpong, Darjeeling and Gangtok in late 1959 gradually moved to Kashmir , their ancestral homeland from 1961 to 1964. They were accommodated in three huge buildings in Idd-Gah in Srlnagar by the Indian Government. At that time, His Holiness the Dalai Lama had sent his Representative to inquire about the conditions of Tibetan Muslims.
During the first two decades of their life in exile, Tibetan Muslims attempted to rebuild and re-organise themselves. Lack of proper guidance and leadership proved to be an obstacle in their development. Also, housing in Idd Gah was inadequate to meet the requirements of a growing family. In the process, Tibetan Muslims began to scatter, emigrating to Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Nepal as well as moving to other parts of India in search of better opportunity .
His Holiness the Dalai Lama continued to keep in touch with the situation of Tibetan Muslims. Knowing their problems, His Holiness, during his visit to Srinagar in 1975, took up the matter with the Chief Minister of Jammu & Kashmir. He also encouraged the formation of the Tibetan Muslim Refugee Welfare Association. This Association began to chalk out projects for the economic and educational upliftment of Tibetan Muslims. With an initial financial assistance by His Holiness, coupled with assistance received, later from Tibet Fund, New York, a handicraft centre, a co-operative shop and a school were established. A group of young Tibetan Muslims were given training in Carpet making in Dharamsala.
The Association was able to get some land for resettlement. Saudi Arabia provided funds for the construction of 144 houses and a mosque in the new settlement. Construction was completed in 1985 and the houses distributed among the people. Not all people could be accommodated and some continued to reside in the old settlement.
A primary school had been started in 1975 in a rented building to provide modern as well as traditional education to Tibetan Muslim children. Although the school was shifted to a comparatively better place in the new settlement, it still faces problems: it is run on donations and does not have a separate compound. However, some students are being sent to Central Schools for Tibetans elsewhere in India. To date, 22 Tibetan Muslim children have been admitted to Central School for Tibetans in Shimla and Dalhousie in Himachal Pradesh state.
The Association has eight office bearers who look after the affairs of the community . There is a Tibetan Muslim Youth Association which plays an important role in social upliftment of the community . This youth association is in contact with the Tibetan Youth Congress. The Department of Health in Dharamsala has set up a primary health care centre to look after the medical needs of the settlers.
Nothing much is known of the present condition of Tibetan Muslims inside Tibet. According to one report there are around 3000 Tibetan Muslims and around 20,000 Chinese Muslims. Since the opening up of Tibet, some Tibetan Mus1ims outside Tibet have been able to visit the country while quite a few have also come out.
The total population of Tibetan Muslims outside Tibet is around 2000. Of them, 20 to 25 families live in Nepal, 20 in the Gulf countries and Turkey. Fifty families reside in Darjeeling-Kalimpong areas bordering Tibet in eastern India. Tibetan Muslims in Darjeeling, Kalimpong and Nepal have a joint Tibetan Muslim Welfare Association based in Kalimpong. Its present general secretary is Mr. Amanulla Chisti. During His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s visit to Darjeeling in April l993. Tibetan Muslims there dressed in their traditional garments participated in a ceremony. There are around 1200 Tibetans in the new settlement in Srinagar consisting of 210 families.
Tibetans in general have suffered greatly under Chinese occupation. Tibetan Muslims have undergone great mental and physical strain on account of their peculia situation. They continue to look upon their Muslim brethren throughout the world to support peaceful solution of the Tibetan problem so that the, too, like their Tibetan Buddhist brethren, can return to their homeland. When asked whether he would return to Tibet in the even of a solution, a young Tibetan Muslim responded, “It is better to live under the bridge in one’s own homeland than be a refugee in an alien land.”
New Delhi, Sept. 10: China has built roads well into India’s territory at a time Indian road construction to the Line of Actual Control (LAC), particularly in Arunachal Pradesh, is caught in red tape.
Beijing has constructed motorable roads running parallel to the LAC and has paved approach roads into Arunachal Pradesh, Indian sources have disclosed, elevating the nature of alleged transgressions from the usual incursions to building infrastructure.
“What we call Indian territory is different from what their perception of the LAC is. While our patrol forces (Indo-Tibetan Border Police or (ITBP)) have to walk days to reach the LAC, China has roads till what they perceive is the LAC,” a senior home ministry official told The Telegraph.
By the time India constructs roads reaching the LAC, the character of the actual line would have changed irreversibly, it is feared. China does not recognise the LAC or McMahon Line of 1914.
The patrols play a seemingly childish but psychologically important role in establishing territorial rights — much like the kings of the wild that mark out their spheres of influence by urinating.
The patrol parties use stuff less organic than body fluids — troops from both sides are known to leave along the LAC telltale articles identifiable with each other’s country. Favourite with Indian forces are Dalda cans and cigarette packs which Chinese troops painstakingly remove from what Beijing feels is its territory.
“With approach roads on their (Chinese) side and the absence of them on our side, their patrolling parties have more opportunities to collect the stuff and dump it back on what they perceive as the LAC,” said an official.
The marking-out ritual was stepped up in July by Chinese troops who apparently sprayed paint to scrawl “China” on boulders in Ladakh — something the Chinese foreign ministry has denied since.
An Indian China study group made of secretaries from the home, external affairs and defence ministries, besides the heads of the intelligence wings, had also recently recommended that roads be built fast.
Delhi has maintained a stoic silence, sheepishly conceding but publicly denying the existence of any problem.
In reality, however, the fault lies in the slow pace in the movement of files in the government.
Of the 27 roads being constructed to the Chinese border, 11 are in Arunachal Pradesh and they need clearance from the environment and forest ministry. For years, the files kept trudging through the slow corridors.
Four roads were cleared eventually, the number going up to nine recently. Clearances for the remaining two are still pending.
The recent clearances for the five roads came after the home ministry approached the empowered group of secretaries on border roads and sought waivers in view of “national security”, sources said.
According to official sources, work is in progress on 10 border roads meant to cover 196km. Here, 40.08km of formation work and 5.40km of surfacing work has been completed.
To showcase the recent headway, home minister P. Chidambaram had announced that work on the Phorbrank-Chartse-Point 4433 road had been cleared by the Supreme Court.
However, Chidambaram conceded on September 1 that although the pace of road construction to the Chinese border had picked up substantially, some distance still needed to be covered. The bulk of the problems of infrastructure lies in Arunachal Pradesh which China claims is its territory.
Beijing has constructed motorable roads running parallel to the LAC and has paved approach roads into Arunachal Pradesh, Indian sources have disclosed, elevating the nature of alleged transgressions from the usual incursions to building infrastructure.
“What we call Indian territory is different from what their perception of the LAC is. While our patrol forces (Indo-Tibetan Border Police or (ITBP)) have to walk days to reach the LAC, China has roads till what they perceive is the LAC,” a senior home ministry official told The Telegraph.
By the time India constructs roads reaching the LAC, the character of the actual line would have changed irreversibly, it is feared. China does not recognise the LAC or McMahon Line of 1914.
The patrols play a seemingly childish but psychologically important role in establishing territorial rights — much like the kings of the wild that mark out their spheres of influence by urinating.
The patrol parties use stuff less organic than body fluids — troops from both sides are known to leave along the LAC telltale articles identifiable with each other’s country. Favourite with Indian forces are Dalda cans and cigarette packs which Chinese troops painstakingly remove from what Beijing feels is its territory.
“With approach roads on their (Chinese) side and the absence of them on our side, their patrolling parties have more opportunities to collect the stuff and dump it back on what they perceive as the LAC,” said an official.
The marking-out ritual was stepped up in July by Chinese troops who apparently sprayed paint to scrawl “China” on boulders in Ladakh — something the Chinese foreign ministry has denied since.
An Indian China study group made of secretaries from the home, external affairs and defence ministries, besides the heads of the intelligence wings, had also recently recommended that roads be built fast.
Delhi has maintained a stoic silence, sheepishly conceding but publicly denying the existence of any problem.
In reality, however, the fault lies in the slow pace in the movement of files in the government.
Of the 27 roads being constructed to the Chinese border, 11 are in Arunachal Pradesh and they need clearance from the environment and forest ministry. For years, the files kept trudging through the slow corridors.
Four roads were cleared eventually, the number going up to nine recently. Clearances for the remaining two are still pending.
The recent clearances for the five roads came after the home ministry approached the empowered group of secretaries on border roads and sought waivers in view of “national security”, sources said.
According to official sources, work is in progress on 10 border roads meant to cover 196km. Here, 40.08km of formation work and 5.40km of surfacing work has been completed.
To showcase the recent headway, home minister P. Chidambaram had announced that work on the Phorbrank-Chartse-Point 4433 road had been cleared by the Supreme Court.
However, Chidambaram conceded on September 1 that although the pace of road construction to the Chinese border had picked up substantially, some distance still needed to be covered. The bulk of the problems of infrastructure lies in Arunachal Pradesh which China claims is its territory.
Military Buildup Across the Himalayas: A Shaky Balance
Publication: China Brief Volume: 9 Issue:
18September 10, 2009 04:19 PM
By Vijay Sakhuja
In less than one year, China and India will celebrate six decades of bilateral relations capped by festivities in their respective country. This period, however, has been marked by a border war in 1962 that precipitated a long phase of antagonism and hostility between the two sides. Yet, there were several positive trends in their bilateral relations since the late 1980s that buoy the decline in mutual trust: regular high level political interactions; increasing bilateral trade that may reach $60 billion in 2010; boundary demarcation talks since 2003; and joint military exercises, which included two ‘anti terror’ exercises in 2007 and 2008. Most recently, during border talks in August in New Delhi, the two sides agreed to ‘seek a political solution’ to the boundary problems and work towards ‘safeguarding the peace and calmness in the areas along the border’ (Xinhua News Agency, August 6).
Notwithstanding these positive trends, the two Asian powers still suffer from a trust deficit and are increasingly concerned about each other's strategic intent, particularly over their respective military developments across the Himalayas. The Chinese side has specifically warned India of its ‘military initiatives’ in Arunachal Pradesh, a northeastern state of India that includes Tawang—home to one of Tibetan Buddhism’s most sacred monasteries—and claimed by Beijing (Asia Times, July 10), and New Delhi has raised the specter of the People’s Liberation Army’s (PLA) ‘systematic upgrading of infrastructure, reconnaissance and surveillance, quick response and operational capabilities in the border areas’ (Indian Express, July 12). Besides border intrusion, incursions, air space violation and even on one occasion an ambush by PLA soldiers (Tibetanreview.net, August 11) are causing immense concern to the Indian army. In 2008, there were reportedly “270 border violations and nearly 2,300 instances of ‘aggressive border patrolling’ by Chinese soldiers” (New York Times, September 4). Although leaders on both sides try to downplay the border sparring, there is ample evidence pointing to the further augmentation of defense forces and military infrastructure along the border. This could be the harbinger of a spiraling arms race.
Geographical Determinants
Geography is an important factor in the military infrastructure developments along the India-China border. A large part of China’s border lies along the flat Tibetan plateau, which gives China the advantages of higher operational and logistical capability for strategic planning during a military contingency. These favorable geographical settings allowed China to build an extensive network of roads, railheads, forward airfields, pipelines and logistic hubs that appear geared toward supporting military operations. Moreover, China is reportedly deploying intercontinental missiles such as the DF-31 and DF-31A at Delingha, north of Tibet, which can strike targets in northern India (Asia Times, July 9).
Unlike China, Indian troops are deployed on high mountains and have to negotiate a tougher terrain comprising of snow capped peaks, deep valleys, thick jungles and difficult mountain passes. Some of the Indian army posts can be accessed only during favorable weather conditions by animal transport and human porters [1]. Furthermore, a number of forward posts can only be serviced by helicopters for troop induction, logistics support and casualty evacuation. In essence, China enjoys geographical advantage and has built a sophisticated logistic network for conducting offensive operations against India.
Military Infrastructure
China has established a long distance rail link between Beijing and Lhasa and this service would later be extended to Xigaze, South of Lhasa, and then to Yatung, near Nathu La passes [2]. Further, Lhasa would be connected to Nyingchi, just north of Arunachal Pradesh, and the rail network would then run along the Brahmaputra River and the Sino-Indian border to Kunming in Yunnan. The rail project, when complete, would be a technological marvel, but it will be useful to keep in mind that it is being developed on the Tibetan plateau, and thus can provide China with a strategic advantage by enhancing the PLA’s logistic supply chain.
Furthermore, the Chinese authorities have announced plans to widen the Karakoram Highway, which links China to Pakistan, from the existing 10 meters width to 30 meters to allow heavier vehicles to pass throughout the year. According to an Indian military analyst, China has deployed “13 Border Defence Regiments, the 52 Mountain Infantry Brigade to protect Southern Qinghai-Tibet region, the 53 Mountain Infantry Brigade to protect the high plateau in the Western sector, the 149th Division of the 13th Group Army in the Eastern Sector and the 61st Division of the 21st Group Army in the Western Sector” [3]. This is a substantial military concentration, which can provide a forceful initial response in case of a breakout of hostilities across the Himalayas.
Similarly, the PLA Air Force (PLAAF) has established airfields at Hoping, Pangta and Kong Ka, two airfields at Lhasa and an additional four in the region that can be rapidly operationalized [4]. Beyond just supporting fighter aircraft, these air bases have enhanced PLA airlift capability that includes division strength of troops (20,000), air-drop a brigade (3,500 troops) and helicopter lift of approximately two battalions. These figures are for a single lift [5].
In mid-August 2009, the PLA commenced a major military exercise that would be conducted over two months. The war game code named ‘Stride-2009’ (Kuayue-2009) involves nearly 50,000 troops drawn from the military regions of Shenyang, Lanzhou, Jinan and Guangzhou, who would conduct operations over long distances. Significantly, one of the primary aims of the exercises is to test the PLA’s ‘capacity of long-range projection’ (Xinhua News Agency, August 11). The exercise would also marshal civilian assets such as high-speed trains traveling up to 350 kilometers per hour and commercial aircraft to move troops over long distances (China Daily [Beijing], August 12). According to Ni Lexiong, a military analyst at Shanghai University of Political Science and Law, “This is really about a rapid response to sudden events in Tibet and Xinjiang, but also the military will play an increasing role in moving supplies and responding to disasters” (Startribune.com [Canada], August 11).
China's sprawling military infrastructure provides the PLA with a strong logistic back up, which enables the rapid deployment of troops and a robust offensive capability. India, on the other hand, is constrained by geography. In June 2009, General J.J. Singh, the governor of Arunachal Pradesh and former chief of the Indian Army stated, “Two army divisions comprising 25,000 to 30,000 soldiers each will be deployed along the border in Arunachal’ and “[deployment] was part of the planned augmentation of our capabilities to defend the country ... The increase in force strength is to meet the future national security challenge” (Reuters, June 8). These two divisions are specially trained in mountain warfare and would augment the number of Indian troops to 120,000 (Stratpost.com, June 8).
Soon thereafter, in July 2009, the Indian Air Force (IAF) announced that it had planned to forward-deploy two squadrons (18 aircraft each) of Su-30 MKI advanced fighter jets at its airbase in Tezpur (150 kilometers south of the Chinese border) in Arunachal Pradesh. According to the IAF chief, “We have plans to improve infrastructure in the north-east. We’re upgrading four-five airfields and Advanced Landing Grounds (ALG). We’re also going to be basing a fleet of Sukhoi-30s in Tezpur in addition to the existing MiG 21s fighter jets” (Stratpost.com, July 21). The ALGs are strategically located at Daulat Beg Oldie and in Chushul on the border with Aksai Chin in the proximity of Karakoram Highway. In addition, the IAF has plans to position Su-30 MKIs at Chabua and Jorhat in Assam, Panagarh in West Bengal and Purnea in Bihar (Sifynews.com, July 10).
Interestingly, there is a maritime dimension to the military developments in the Himalayas. Located at an altitude of 14,500 feet, the Pangong Lake is under the control of both China (90 kilometers) and India (45 kilometers), but a stretch of about 5 km is disputed (Indian Express, October 6, 2008). Both sides have positioned patrol vessels and conduct routine surveillance. There have been regular incidents of transgression and incursions but both sides have exercised restraint and adopted a standard drill that helps disengagement; when boats from both sides come face to face with each other, they raise flags and shout ‘hindi chini bhai bhai’ (Indian and Chinese are brothers) and disengage. China operates 22 boats manned by 5-7 personnel each and India has deployed 2 large boats operated by 21 personnel each. In 2008, the Indian navy chief had visited the lake and India has plans to augment its capability by deploying more boats in the lake (Indian Express, October 7, 2008).
The Indian Ministry of Defense Report 2008-2009 has expressed concerns over China’s military capabilities and observed that ‘greater transparency and openness’ is critical but on a conciliatory note also stated that India will ‘engage China, while taking all necessary measures to protect its national security, territorial integrity and sovereignty’ (Indian Express, July 12). There are fears in India about China’s military modernization and augmentation of military infrastructure along the borders. China has been increasing its defense budget on a regular basis and in 2009 it announced a 14.9 percent rise in military spending to 480.6 billion renminbi ($70.3 billion) marking 21 years of double-digit growth (Defence.pk, March 4). Yet, unofficial estimates place the total amount much higher than the figures the Chinese government claims.
The Indian military leadership has expressed concern about the growing military power potential of China. Admiral Sureesh Mehta, chairman of the Chiefs of Staff Committee, categorically stated that “In military terms, both conventionally and unconventionally, we can neither have the capability nor the intention to match China force for force …” but cautioned that as China consolidates itself and builds its comprehensive national power and a powerful military, it is “likely to be more assertive on its claims, especially in the immediate neighborhood [sic].” Further, “It is quite evident that coping with China will certainly be one of our [India] primary challenges in the years ahead. Our trust deficit with China can never be liquidated unless our boundary problems are resolved” (Zeenews.com, August 10).
In the 21st Century, China and India have emerged as major Asian powers and are engaged in building their respective strengths. The current trends in their bilateral political and economic relations augers well for Asian prosperity. Yet, the slow pace of talks on demarcation and delineation of the boundary (commenced in 2003), military infrastructure developments along the border, are some of the issues that remain uppermost in the minds of Indian planners and strategic analysts. The boundary dispute gains greater salience given the fact that China has resolved its boundary disputes with most of its neighbors, while its dispute with India remains unresolved. It is fair to argue that China is biding time to build its comprehensive national power including military capability reflected in Deng Xiaoping’s thought “tao guang yang hui," which literally translates as "hide brightness, nourish obscurity," and in Beijing’s interpretation, "Bide our time and build up our capabilities" and then challenge India at the time of its choosing.
Notes
1. Author's discussions with retired Indian army officers in August 2009.
2. Shailender Arya, “The Train to Lhasa’ Journal of Defence Studies, winter 2008.
3. Rajan, D.S. 2009. ‘China: Media Anger on Arunachal Pradesh Continues Unabated’, SAAG Paper No. 3260, June 18, 2009.
4. Arun Sehgal, “Military Moves and Reactions: The PLA’s Profile in Tibet is Increasing in Strength and Sophistication”, Pragati: The Indian National Interest Review, No 28, July 2009, pp.15-18.
5. Ibid.
Publication: China Brief Volume: 9 Issue:
18September 10, 2009 04:19 PM
By Vijay Sakhuja
In less than one year, China and India will celebrate six decades of bilateral relations capped by festivities in their respective country. This period, however, has been marked by a border war in 1962 that precipitated a long phase of antagonism and hostility between the two sides. Yet, there were several positive trends in their bilateral relations since the late 1980s that buoy the decline in mutual trust: regular high level political interactions; increasing bilateral trade that may reach $60 billion in 2010; boundary demarcation talks since 2003; and joint military exercises, which included two ‘anti terror’ exercises in 2007 and 2008. Most recently, during border talks in August in New Delhi, the two sides agreed to ‘seek a political solution’ to the boundary problems and work towards ‘safeguarding the peace and calmness in the areas along the border’ (Xinhua News Agency, August 6).
Notwithstanding these positive trends, the two Asian powers still suffer from a trust deficit and are increasingly concerned about each other's strategic intent, particularly over their respective military developments across the Himalayas. The Chinese side has specifically warned India of its ‘military initiatives’ in Arunachal Pradesh, a northeastern state of India that includes Tawang—home to one of Tibetan Buddhism’s most sacred monasteries—and claimed by Beijing (Asia Times, July 10), and New Delhi has raised the specter of the People’s Liberation Army’s (PLA) ‘systematic upgrading of infrastructure, reconnaissance and surveillance, quick response and operational capabilities in the border areas’ (Indian Express, July 12). Besides border intrusion, incursions, air space violation and even on one occasion an ambush by PLA soldiers (Tibetanreview.net, August 11) are causing immense concern to the Indian army. In 2008, there were reportedly “270 border violations and nearly 2,300 instances of ‘aggressive border patrolling’ by Chinese soldiers” (New York Times, September 4). Although leaders on both sides try to downplay the border sparring, there is ample evidence pointing to the further augmentation of defense forces and military infrastructure along the border. This could be the harbinger of a spiraling arms race.
Geographical Determinants
Geography is an important factor in the military infrastructure developments along the India-China border. A large part of China’s border lies along the flat Tibetan plateau, which gives China the advantages of higher operational and logistical capability for strategic planning during a military contingency. These favorable geographical settings allowed China to build an extensive network of roads, railheads, forward airfields, pipelines and logistic hubs that appear geared toward supporting military operations. Moreover, China is reportedly deploying intercontinental missiles such as the DF-31 and DF-31A at Delingha, north of Tibet, which can strike targets in northern India (Asia Times, July 9).
Unlike China, Indian troops are deployed on high mountains and have to negotiate a tougher terrain comprising of snow capped peaks, deep valleys, thick jungles and difficult mountain passes. Some of the Indian army posts can be accessed only during favorable weather conditions by animal transport and human porters [1]. Furthermore, a number of forward posts can only be serviced by helicopters for troop induction, logistics support and casualty evacuation. In essence, China enjoys geographical advantage and has built a sophisticated logistic network for conducting offensive operations against India.
Military Infrastructure
China has established a long distance rail link between Beijing and Lhasa and this service would later be extended to Xigaze, South of Lhasa, and then to Yatung, near Nathu La passes [2]. Further, Lhasa would be connected to Nyingchi, just north of Arunachal Pradesh, and the rail network would then run along the Brahmaputra River and the Sino-Indian border to Kunming in Yunnan. The rail project, when complete, would be a technological marvel, but it will be useful to keep in mind that it is being developed on the Tibetan plateau, and thus can provide China with a strategic advantage by enhancing the PLA’s logistic supply chain.
Furthermore, the Chinese authorities have announced plans to widen the Karakoram Highway, which links China to Pakistan, from the existing 10 meters width to 30 meters to allow heavier vehicles to pass throughout the year. According to an Indian military analyst, China has deployed “13 Border Defence Regiments, the 52 Mountain Infantry Brigade to protect Southern Qinghai-Tibet region, the 53 Mountain Infantry Brigade to protect the high plateau in the Western sector, the 149th Division of the 13th Group Army in the Eastern Sector and the 61st Division of the 21st Group Army in the Western Sector” [3]. This is a substantial military concentration, which can provide a forceful initial response in case of a breakout of hostilities across the Himalayas.
Similarly, the PLA Air Force (PLAAF) has established airfields at Hoping, Pangta and Kong Ka, two airfields at Lhasa and an additional four in the region that can be rapidly operationalized [4]. Beyond just supporting fighter aircraft, these air bases have enhanced PLA airlift capability that includes division strength of troops (20,000), air-drop a brigade (3,500 troops) and helicopter lift of approximately two battalions. These figures are for a single lift [5].
In mid-August 2009, the PLA commenced a major military exercise that would be conducted over two months. The war game code named ‘Stride-2009’ (Kuayue-2009) involves nearly 50,000 troops drawn from the military regions of Shenyang, Lanzhou, Jinan and Guangzhou, who would conduct operations over long distances. Significantly, one of the primary aims of the exercises is to test the PLA’s ‘capacity of long-range projection’ (Xinhua News Agency, August 11). The exercise would also marshal civilian assets such as high-speed trains traveling up to 350 kilometers per hour and commercial aircraft to move troops over long distances (China Daily [Beijing], August 12). According to Ni Lexiong, a military analyst at Shanghai University of Political Science and Law, “This is really about a rapid response to sudden events in Tibet and Xinjiang, but also the military will play an increasing role in moving supplies and responding to disasters” (Startribune.com [Canada], August 11).
China's sprawling military infrastructure provides the PLA with a strong logistic back up, which enables the rapid deployment of troops and a robust offensive capability. India, on the other hand, is constrained by geography. In June 2009, General J.J. Singh, the governor of Arunachal Pradesh and former chief of the Indian Army stated, “Two army divisions comprising 25,000 to 30,000 soldiers each will be deployed along the border in Arunachal’ and “[deployment] was part of the planned augmentation of our capabilities to defend the country ... The increase in force strength is to meet the future national security challenge” (Reuters, June 8). These two divisions are specially trained in mountain warfare and would augment the number of Indian troops to 120,000 (Stratpost.com, June 8).
Soon thereafter, in July 2009, the Indian Air Force (IAF) announced that it had planned to forward-deploy two squadrons (18 aircraft each) of Su-30 MKI advanced fighter jets at its airbase in Tezpur (150 kilometers south of the Chinese border) in Arunachal Pradesh. According to the IAF chief, “We have plans to improve infrastructure in the north-east. We’re upgrading four-five airfields and Advanced Landing Grounds (ALG). We’re also going to be basing a fleet of Sukhoi-30s in Tezpur in addition to the existing MiG 21s fighter jets” (Stratpost.com, July 21). The ALGs are strategically located at Daulat Beg Oldie and in Chushul on the border with Aksai Chin in the proximity of Karakoram Highway. In addition, the IAF has plans to position Su-30 MKIs at Chabua and Jorhat in Assam, Panagarh in West Bengal and Purnea in Bihar (Sifynews.com, July 10).
Interestingly, there is a maritime dimension to the military developments in the Himalayas. Located at an altitude of 14,500 feet, the Pangong Lake is under the control of both China (90 kilometers) and India (45 kilometers), but a stretch of about 5 km is disputed (Indian Express, October 6, 2008). Both sides have positioned patrol vessels and conduct routine surveillance. There have been regular incidents of transgression and incursions but both sides have exercised restraint and adopted a standard drill that helps disengagement; when boats from both sides come face to face with each other, they raise flags and shout ‘hindi chini bhai bhai’ (Indian and Chinese are brothers) and disengage. China operates 22 boats manned by 5-7 personnel each and India has deployed 2 large boats operated by 21 personnel each. In 2008, the Indian navy chief had visited the lake and India has plans to augment its capability by deploying more boats in the lake (Indian Express, October 7, 2008).
The Indian Ministry of Defense Report 2008-2009 has expressed concerns over China’s military capabilities and observed that ‘greater transparency and openness’ is critical but on a conciliatory note also stated that India will ‘engage China, while taking all necessary measures to protect its national security, territorial integrity and sovereignty’ (Indian Express, July 12). There are fears in India about China’s military modernization and augmentation of military infrastructure along the borders. China has been increasing its defense budget on a regular basis and in 2009 it announced a 14.9 percent rise in military spending to 480.6 billion renminbi ($70.3 billion) marking 21 years of double-digit growth (Defence.pk, March 4). Yet, unofficial estimates place the total amount much higher than the figures the Chinese government claims.
The Indian military leadership has expressed concern about the growing military power potential of China. Admiral Sureesh Mehta, chairman of the Chiefs of Staff Committee, categorically stated that “In military terms, both conventionally and unconventionally, we can neither have the capability nor the intention to match China force for force …” but cautioned that as China consolidates itself and builds its comprehensive national power and a powerful military, it is “likely to be more assertive on its claims, especially in the immediate neighborhood [sic].” Further, “It is quite evident that coping with China will certainly be one of our [India] primary challenges in the years ahead. Our trust deficit with China can never be liquidated unless our boundary problems are resolved” (Zeenews.com, August 10).
In the 21st Century, China and India have emerged as major Asian powers and are engaged in building their respective strengths. The current trends in their bilateral political and economic relations augers well for Asian prosperity. Yet, the slow pace of talks on demarcation and delineation of the boundary (commenced in 2003), military infrastructure developments along the border, are some of the issues that remain uppermost in the minds of Indian planners and strategic analysts. The boundary dispute gains greater salience given the fact that China has resolved its boundary disputes with most of its neighbors, while its dispute with India remains unresolved. It is fair to argue that China is biding time to build its comprehensive national power including military capability reflected in Deng Xiaoping’s thought “tao guang yang hui," which literally translates as "hide brightness, nourish obscurity," and in Beijing’s interpretation, "Bide our time and build up our capabilities" and then challenge India at the time of its choosing.
Notes
1. Author's discussions with retired Indian army officers in August 2009.
2. Shailender Arya, “The Train to Lhasa’ Journal of Defence Studies, winter 2008.
3. Rajan, D.S. 2009. ‘China: Media Anger on Arunachal Pradesh Continues Unabated’, SAAG Paper No. 3260, June 18, 2009.
4. Arun Sehgal, “Military Moves and Reactions: The PLA’s Profile in Tibet is Increasing in Strength and Sophistication”, Pragati: The Indian National Interest Review, No 28, July 2009, pp.15-18.
5. Ibid.
Thursday 10 September 2009
NEPAL: Dissolution of paradise
FROM THE GUARDIAN, UK
BY ISABEL HILTON
Isabel Hilton
It’s not easy being Nepal. Ranked among the 48 least-developed countries, sandwiched between the emerging Asian giants India and China, ruled by a chaotic government that struggles to normalise the country in the aftermath of a nine-year Maoist insurgency, plagued by endemic corruption and the growing impacts of climate change in the Himalayas, Nepal has a lot on its plate. Now, though, the growing influence of China has added regional rivalries to the government’s problems.
Last week, exiled Tibetans across the world celebrated their 49th Democracy Day, marking the effort to establish democratic management of their own affairs. In Kathmandu, this resulted in the detention of nine Tibetan demonstrators in Boudanath, in the outskirts of the city, close to one of the main Tibetan refugee settlements. For good measure, a Tibetan woman and child were detained some 10 miles away – on the grounds, according to police, that they were “walking in the direction” of Boudanath.
The demonstration was peaceful and, in this recently minted Nepalese democracy, it’s hard to see whom it offended – except for the high-level Chinese delegation staying at the nearby Hyatt hotel. And that, of course, is the point. Nepal has traditionally been under the influence of India, with which it shares strong cultural ties and a long, open border. Many of Nepal’s political parties have close links with Indian counterparts and, when things go wrong between the two, landlocked Nepal can be reminded that most of its vital supplies reach it courtesy of its southern neighbour. Any obstruction to the supply route swiftly causes problems.
China, until recently, was a lesser player: the border is mountainous and though there are historic cultural and trade links with Tibet, and Nepal, like India, is host to a substantial population of Tibetan refugees, Nepal has not historically been dependent on China’s goodwill. Now it is flexing its muscles in Nepal, and its target is the Tibetan refugee community. Tibetan demonstrations in Nepal, Beijing argues, are “insulting” to Beijing, and Nepal’s open border with India, it claims, is a security risk to China. Last month Nepalese security officials were summoned to the Tibetan capital, Lhasa, to listen to a long list of Chinese complaints. As a result, security along the Chinese-Nepal border has been stepped up. In February 2008, just be fore the March uprising in Tibet, Chinese officials and Nepalese police raided a UN-run refuge in Kathmandu to arrest a Tibetan fugitive whom the Chinese accused of murder. The fugitive has not been heard of since. Now Beijing is pressing for an extradition treaty with Nepal.
Chinese security officials now regularly operate on the Nepalese side of the border. Since the Tibetan uprising Chinese operations inside Nepal have become more conspicuous. As a result of the tightening of border security, the refugee flow into Nepal from Tibet has dropped from about 2,500 a year to only 500 since March last year, despite continuing repression inside Tibet.
Since 1990, the Nepalese government has not allowed Tibetans to register as refugees but it has continued to offer an important transit route to India. Now, under Chinese pressure, the options for Tibetans are being closed off. Even third country offers are affected: the US government has offered visas to 5,000 Tibetan refugees. Bizarrely, Nepal will not let them leave.
Increasingly their options are shrinking in Nepal too. Tibetan refugees cannot legally own property, travel, go to university, drive cars or own businesses. Despite their long presence in the country, they cannot register their Nepal-born children. Forced into unofficial arrangements to survive, they become easy targets for extortion by everyone from the police to political parties in search of funds. Chief among these are the Maoists, whose exorbitant demands have bankrupted many Tibetan businesses.
The Tibetans are the world’s second oldest refugee community after the Palestinians. Historically India and Nepal have been sympathetic hosts, despite their own domestic difficulties. Today, under Chinese pressure, that is changing. After more than 50 years, the prospects for what have been hardworking and self-reliant communities are being choked off, even as conditions in their homeland deteriorate. Local media in Kathmandu have published highly implausible stories of preparations by the Tibetans, supported by the ambassadors of the US and several EU countries, for the armed overthrow of the government in Beijing. Nepal is using internal security legislation to detain Tibetans on flimsy pretexts. Deprived of civil rights, livelihoods and passports, their savings exhausted by extortion, the refugees look increasingly vulnerable.
Low-level tensions between China and India are played out regularly across the Himalayas, through incursions across disputed borders and Chinese attempts to block infrastructure development in Indian territory. It is all part of a serious but controlled regional rivalry. But for the vulnerable Tibetan refugees, China’s increasing reach into Nepal threatens to leave them nowhere to run.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
FROM THE GUARDIAN, UK
BY ISABEL HILTON
Isabel Hilton
It’s not easy being Nepal. Ranked among the 48 least-developed countries, sandwiched between the emerging Asian giants India and China, ruled by a chaotic government that struggles to normalise the country in the aftermath of a nine-year Maoist insurgency, plagued by endemic corruption and the growing impacts of climate change in the Himalayas, Nepal has a lot on its plate. Now, though, the growing influence of China has added regional rivalries to the government’s problems.
Last week, exiled Tibetans across the world celebrated their 49th Democracy Day, marking the effort to establish democratic management of their own affairs. In Kathmandu, this resulted in the detention of nine Tibetan demonstrators in Boudanath, in the outskirts of the city, close to one of the main Tibetan refugee settlements. For good measure, a Tibetan woman and child were detained some 10 miles away – on the grounds, according to police, that they were “walking in the direction” of Boudanath.
The demonstration was peaceful and, in this recently minted Nepalese democracy, it’s hard to see whom it offended – except for the high-level Chinese delegation staying at the nearby Hyatt hotel. And that, of course, is the point. Nepal has traditionally been under the influence of India, with which it shares strong cultural ties and a long, open border. Many of Nepal’s political parties have close links with Indian counterparts and, when things go wrong between the two, landlocked Nepal can be reminded that most of its vital supplies reach it courtesy of its southern neighbour. Any obstruction to the supply route swiftly causes problems.
China, until recently, was a lesser player: the border is mountainous and though there are historic cultural and trade links with Tibet, and Nepal, like India, is host to a substantial population of Tibetan refugees, Nepal has not historically been dependent on China’s goodwill. Now it is flexing its muscles in Nepal, and its target is the Tibetan refugee community. Tibetan demonstrations in Nepal, Beijing argues, are “insulting” to Beijing, and Nepal’s open border with India, it claims, is a security risk to China. Last month Nepalese security officials were summoned to the Tibetan capital, Lhasa, to listen to a long list of Chinese complaints. As a result, security along the Chinese-Nepal border has been stepped up. In February 2008, just be fore the March uprising in Tibet, Chinese officials and Nepalese police raided a UN-run refuge in Kathmandu to arrest a Tibetan fugitive whom the Chinese accused of murder. The fugitive has not been heard of since. Now Beijing is pressing for an extradition treaty with Nepal.
Chinese security officials now regularly operate on the Nepalese side of the border. Since the Tibetan uprising Chinese operations inside Nepal have become more conspicuous. As a result of the tightening of border security, the refugee flow into Nepal from Tibet has dropped from about 2,500 a year to only 500 since March last year, despite continuing repression inside Tibet.
Since 1990, the Nepalese government has not allowed Tibetans to register as refugees but it has continued to offer an important transit route to India. Now, under Chinese pressure, the options for Tibetans are being closed off. Even third country offers are affected: the US government has offered visas to 5,000 Tibetan refugees. Bizarrely, Nepal will not let them leave.
Increasingly their options are shrinking in Nepal too. Tibetan refugees cannot legally own property, travel, go to university, drive cars or own businesses. Despite their long presence in the country, they cannot register their Nepal-born children. Forced into unofficial arrangements to survive, they become easy targets for extortion by everyone from the police to political parties in search of funds. Chief among these are the Maoists, whose exorbitant demands have bankrupted many Tibetan businesses.
The Tibetans are the world’s second oldest refugee community after the Palestinians. Historically India and Nepal have been sympathetic hosts, despite their own domestic difficulties. Today, under Chinese pressure, that is changing. After more than 50 years, the prospects for what have been hardworking and self-reliant communities are being choked off, even as conditions in their homeland deteriorate. Local media in Kathmandu have published highly implausible stories of preparations by the Tibetans, supported by the ambassadors of the US and several EU countries, for the armed overthrow of the government in Beijing. Nepal is using internal security legislation to detain Tibetans on flimsy pretexts. Deprived of civil rights, livelihoods and passports, their savings exhausted by extortion, the refugees look increasingly vulnerable.
Low-level tensions between China and India are played out regularly across the Himalayas, through incursions across disputed borders and Chinese attempts to block infrastructure development in Indian territory. It is all part of a serious but controlled regional rivalry. But for the vulnerable Tibetan refugees, China’s increasing reach into Nepal threatens to leave them nowhere to run.
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