INDIA AND PAKISTAN-CASE FOR COMMON DEFENSE

The reason for India to want a rapprochement with Pakistan, and vice versa, has nothing to do with feelings of friendship or goodwill. It has to do with survival

Pakistan’s Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi says Pakistan is “compiling hard evidence of India’s involvement” in terrorist attacks on Pakistan’s public and its armed forces. If he and the Interior Minister are correct, then we must conclude that the Indians are psychotics possessed with a death wish or, perhaps, plain stupid. While India’s assistance for Baloch insurgents could conceivably make strategic sense, helping the jihadists simply does not.

As Pakistan staggers from one bombing to the other, some Indians must be secretly pleased. Indeed, there are occasional verbalisations: Is this not sweet revenge for the horrors of Mumbai perpetrated by the Lashkar-e-Taiba? Shouldn’t India feel satisfied as Pakistan reels under the stinging poison of its domestically reared snakes?

But most Indians are probably less than enthusiastic in stoking the fires across the border. In fact, the majority would like to forget that Pakistan exists. With a 6 per cent growth rate, booming hi-tech exports, and expectations of a semi-superpower status, they feel India has no need to engage a struggling Pakistan with its endless litany of problems.

Of course, some would like to hurt Pakistan. Extremists in India ask: shouldn’t one increase the pain of a country -- with which India has fought three bloody wars -- by aiding its enemies? Perhaps do another Bangladesh on Pakistan some day?

These fringe elements, fortunately, are inconsequential today. Rational self-interest demands that India not aid jihadists. Imagine the consequences if the Central authority in Pakistan disappears or is sharply weakened. Splintered into a hundred jihadist Lashkars, each with its own agenda and tactics, Pakistan’s territory would become India’s eternal nightmare. When Mumbai-II occurs -- as it surely would in such circumstances -- India’s options in dealing with a nuclear Pakistan would be severely limited.

The Indian Army would be powerless. As the Americans have discovered at great cost, the mightiest war machines on earth cannot prevent holy warriors from crossing borders. Internal collaborators, recruited from a domestic Muslim population that feels itself alienated from Hindu-India, would connive with the jihadists. Subsequently, as the Indian forces retaliate against Muslims -- innocent and otherwise -- the action-reaction cycle would rip the country apart.

So, how can India protect itself from invaders across its western border and grave injury? Just as importantly, how can we in Pakistan assure that the fight against fanatics is not lost?

Let me make an apparently outrageous proposition: in the coming years, India’s best protection is likely to come from its traditional enemy, the Pakistan Army. Therefore, India ought to help now, not fight against it.

This may sound preposterous. After all, the two countries have fought three-and-a-half wars over six decades. During periods of excessive tension, they have growled at each other while meaningfully pointing towards their respective nuclear arsenals. Most recently, after heightened tensions following the Mumbai massacre, Pakistani troops were moved out of North West Frontier Province towards the eastern border. Baitullah Mehsud’s offer to jointly fight India was welcomed by the Pakistan Army.

And yet, the imperative of mutual survival makes a common defence inevitable. Given the rapidly rising threat within Pakistan, the day for joint action may not be very far away.

Today Pakistan is bearing the brunt. Its people, government and armed forces are under unrelenting attack. South Waziristan, a war of necessity rather than of choice, will certainly not be the last one. A victory there will not end terrorism, although a stalemate will embolden the jihadists in south Punjab, including the Lashkar-e-Taiba and the Jaish-e-Muhammed. The cancer of religious militancy has spread across Pakistan, and it will take decades to defeat.

This militancy does not exist merely because America occupies Afghanistan. A U.S. withdrawal, while welcome, will not end Pakistan’s problems. As an ideological movement, the jihadists want to transform society as part of their wider agenda. They ride on the backs of their partners, the mainstream religious political parties like the Jamat-e-Islami and the Jamiat-e-Ulema-Pakistan. None of these has condemned the suicide bombings in Pakistani universities, schools, markets, mosques, and police and army facilities.

Pakistan’s political leadership and army must not muddy the waters, especially now that public sanction has finally been obtained for fighting extremism in Swat and Waziristan. Self-deception weakens, and enormously increases vulnerability. Wars can only be won if nations have a clear rallying slogan. Therefore, the battle against religious extremism will require identifying it -- by name -- as the enemy.

India should derive no satisfaction from Pakistan’s predicament. Although religious extremists see ordinary Muslims as munafiqs (hypocrites) -- and therefore free to be blown up in bazaars and mosques -- they hate Hindus even more. In their calculus, hurting India would buy even more tickets for heaven than hurting Pakistan. They dream of ripping apart both societies or starting a war -- preferably nuclear -- between Pakistan and India.

A common threat needs a common defence. But this is difficult unless the Pakistan-India conflict is reduced in intensity. In fact, the extremist groups that threaten both countries today are an unintended consequence of Pakistan’s frustrations at Indian obduracy in Kashmir.

To create a future working alliance with Pakistan, and in deference to basic democratic principles, India must therefore be seen as genuinely working towards some kind of resolution of the Kashmir issue. Over the past two decades, India has been morally isolated from Kashmiri Muslims and continues to incur the very considerable costs of an occupying power in the Valley. Indian soldiers continue to needlessly die — and oppress and kill Kashmiri innocents.

It is time for India to fuzz the Line of Control, make it highly permeable, and demilitarise it up to some mutually negotiated depth on both sides. Without peace in Kashmir the forces of cross-border jihad, and its hate-filled holy warriors, will continue to receive unnecessary succour.

India also needs to allay Pakistan’s fears on Balochistan. Although Pakistan’s current federal structure is the cause of the problem -- a fact which the government is now finally addressing through the newly announced Balochistan package -- it is possible that India is aiding some insurgent groups. Statements have been made in India that Balochistan provides New Delhi with a handle to exert pressure on Pakistan. This is unacceptable.

While there is no magic wand, confidence-building measures (CBMs) continue to be important for managing the Pakistan-India conflict and bringing down the decibel level of mutual rhetoric. To be sure, CBMs can be easily disparaged as palliatives that do not address the underlying causes of a conflict. Nevertheless, looking at those initiated over the years shows that they have held up even in adverse circumstances. More are needed.

The reason for India to want a rapprochement with Pakistan, and vice versa, has nothing to do with feelings of friendship or goodwill. It has only to do with survival. For us in Pakistan, this is even more critical.

(The writer teaches Physics at Quaid-e-Azam University in Islamabad. This article will appear in Pakistan’s Dawn newspaper on Sunday.)

SDF dissident reveals – How Karki became Crorepati over years?

Himalayan Mirror Bureau

Gangtok, November 25: Even as the ruling Sikkim Democratic Front (SDF) that came to power on ‘pro-poor’ plank has held the forts since the last 16 years, the party’s ‘pro-poor’ policy is seen as being doubted by some of its own members. Tapping to the tunes of dissidence within the party making headlines, a member of the party today expressed his qualms on how some of Chamling’s close aides have elevated to millionaires from ordinary party workers during the party’s regime since 1994.

On conditions of anonymity, the annoyed member said that turbulence is immensely felt within the SDF and further said that many of its working members were busy assessing how much property their leaders have amassed during the party’s government in the state.

Citing instance of Chamling’s close aide and member of his ‘Kitchen Cabinet’, CB Karki’s elevation from an ordinary government prior entering politics to a multi millionaire, the peeved member delved on the insights of Karki, a copy of which was provided to this publication.

Interestingly, the affidavit of the assets details of movable and immovable properties and numerous chattels which Karki presented before the Election Commission while filing nominations on 8 April earlier this year have depicted some meaningful insights of asset status of one among the many SDF legislators. On the other hand, the asset particulars of CB Karki’s spouse who once worked as an Auxiliary Nursing Midwife (ANM Nurse) but later resigned, is obvious to indicate the penetration of the SDF’s ‘pro-poor’ stand into the personal spheres of its members.

The party member further revealed all fine points pertaining to Karki’s property. Karki, presently the state Rural Management and Development minister with charges of various allied departments and also the SDF party treasurer, had declared to have in cash Rs.3,35,115 while Rs.2,25,345 was declared to be held in cash by his spouse Nirmala Chettri Karki. To top it off, the candidate had announced of having banked Rs. 1,59,594.66 while he wife had Rs.1,82,672.19 as bank balance. Many Life Insurance and Post Office policies worth several Lakhs were also depicted in Karki’s statement. Similarly, Karki’s land details valued an agricultural land at Poluk, Namchi at Rs.6,48,120 while similar holdings at Ranka has been valued at Rs.7,08,620. Adding to all these is his residential lands at Rangpo and 5th Mile Tadong which would fetch over Rs.7,74,669 and Rs.3,96,000 in the commercial space. Karki’s constructed houses at 5th Mile and Rangpo has been calculated at a whooping cost of Rs.38,13,180 and Rs.17,65,000 correspondingly.

On the contrary, the ministerial candidate has been conquered by his spouse in terms of assets. She has stated agricultural lands worth Rs.6,95,030 and Rs.48,296 in Arithang block and Rawtey Rumtek respectively. In addition to these a land in West Pendam-Rs. 24,77,880; Mellidara – Rs.17,06,495; Two lands in Tadong valued at Rs.3,20,000 and Rs.38,495; another at Tadong Joredhara has been valued at Rs.17,00,000. Mrs. Karki’s declaration also mentions of lands at West Pendam – Rs.3,43,436 ; Tashiding-Rs.35,28,000 and a semi-pucca house at Tadong has been prized at Rs.1,75,000.

The displeased member within the SDF further slammed the minister for ‘Drain of wealth’ to other states outside Sikkim from among the properties earned from Sikkim . Quoting the affidavit, he further read that Karki owns a residential flat with garage in one of the Posh locations in Pradhannagar, Siliguri bought at Rs.9,89,480 while the minister’s family have also declared of having in possession a plot of land in some areas with Darjeeling district that have been valued Rs.6,90,000. In the affidavit, CB Karki has also declared of having taken Rs.4,72,074.24 as loan from a nationalized bank while his housing loan dues stands at Rs. 14,49,276, adding to his reserves is a house that Karki had booked under Sahara India Group Housing Scheme.

The revelation and discussion on Karki’s assests comes at a time when the waves of turbulence and dissidence have gripped the SDF. The dissidents in the party have asserted to have embarked on analyzing on who earned how much during the party’s 16 years in power. They have started raising eyebrows to ascertain how meager politicians became millionaires overnight after being close confidants of Chamling.

Sikkim is sheer magic. This is not just the most beautiful place in the world but cleanest and safest too. If once the charms of the State were limited to mists, mountains and colourful butterflies, they are now complimented by tangible development and progress. With its unique culture and natural landscape, Sikkim is a picture of perfection and pristine purity. Nestled in the Himalayas and endowed with exceptional natural resources, Sikkim is a hotspot of biodiversity and development. Though small in size, yet Sikkim has been identified world over as an important repository of germplasms of unknown dimensions. Perhaps, there is no part of the world, which offers a spectacular scene with every turn of the road as Sikkim. Though land-locked, Sikkim is one of the most beautiful and strategically important state of the Indian Union.

Bounded by foreign nations on three sides, it shares its boundary with the sister state of West Bengal. Surrounded on three sides by precipitous mountain walls, Sikkim appears as a small rectangular Gem. Sikkim is like a stupendous stairway leading from the western border of the Tibetan plateau down to the plains of West Bengal, with a fall of about 5,215 metres in 240 kms. Sikkim, in the west is bound by the north-south spur of the Great Himalayan Range which includes the world's third highest peak, Khangchendzonga and down to its south is Singalila ridge. In the north it is bound by Dongkia range and also partly includes the Tibetan Plateau. In the east it is bound by the Chola range. The average steepness is about 45 degree. Sikkim is the main catchment area for the beautiful river Teesta, which has its main source from Chho Lhamo lake in the north and is further strengthened by many streams and rivers of which Tholung, Lachung, Great Rangeet and Rangpo are important drainers. It also has about 180 perennial lakes, among which Khachoedpalri, Gurudongmar, Chho Lhamo and Men Moi Tso are some of the most scenic.

Dominating both legend and landscape of Sikkim is the mighty Khangchendzonga. Known to outside world as Kanchenjunga, it is the third highest peak in the world. But to the Sikkemese it is much more than a mountain: Khangchendzonga is the Guardian deity, a country God whose benign watchfulness ensures peace and prosperity for the land. The five peaks of Khangchendzonga are the five Treasures of the Eternal Snow, a belief beautifully interpreted by the great Lama Lhatsun Chenpo: “The peak most conspicuously gilded by the rising sun is the treasury of gold, the peak that remains in cold grey shade is the storehouse for silver and other peaks are vaults for gems, grains and the holy books.” Each of the five peaks is believed to be crowned by an animal—the highest by a tiger and others by a lion, elephant, horse and the mythical bird Garuda. Along with the Guardian deity, the Nepal Peak, Tent Peak, Pyramid, Jonsang, Lhonak, Pahunri etc. and glaciers like Zemu, Changsang, Teesta, Changme are also important. The most important passes are Jelep-la, Nathu-la, Cho-la and Thanka-la in the east; Donkiua, Kongralamu and Naku in the north and Kanglanangma and Chia Bhanjyang in the west.

The divine status of the mountain, sanctified by legend, has been made enduring by the widespread worship of Khangchendzonga by all the people of Sikkim - Lepchas, Bhutias and Nepalese alike. The God is depicted as being red of colour, armed and mounted on a white snow lion; offerings are made to this majestic presence, ceremonies are held in his name and dances consecrated to him. Pang Lhabsol is one of the famous festivals of Sikkim which is a thanks giving celebration in honour of Sikkim’s presiding deity, Khangchendzonga. Dancers portray the guardian deity, its supreme commander Yabdu and the God Mahakala. It is a warrior dance and the dancers are chosen for their physical strength, quick reflexes and skill swordsmanship.

Now a word about the origin of the term Sikkim itself. The various ethnic groups have their own nomenclature. As far as the Lepcha and the Bhutia names are concerned, Waddel has it that, " the Lepchas call it Nelyang or 'The place of caves'. Lepchas also call it Myel Lyang, which means “the land of hidden paradise or the delightful region or abode". While the Bhutias call it Beyul Demazong or “the hidden valley of rice."” Another version says that "Tensung Namgyal married three wives, a Tibetan, a Bhutanese and a Limbu girl. The Limbu girl, daughter of Limbu Chief Yo- Yo- Hang, brought seven maidens with her. These maidens were married into leading families of Sikkim. These Limbu maidens who had come to Sikkim for the marries' called the place 'Sukhim' or "bride's new house", comfortable home. The Nepalis who came to Sikkim could not relate to Limbu pronouncement and thus corrupted the name to Sukkhim which underwent further distortion.

ESSAY: NATIONAL SECURITY AND STRATEGIC IMPORTANCE OF DARJEELING AND DOOARS AND NEED FOR THE URGENT CREATION OF GORKHALAND
Posted by barunroy on November 24, 2009

THE HIMALAYAN BEACON [BEACON ONLINE]

Compiled By Aka Gorkhs Daju


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The demand for the Creation of Gorkhaland is correct under Article 3(a-e). However, as an additional feature, there are also serious considerations for the Indian House of Parliament, i.e. The Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha about the “Security Aspects of the Integrity and Dignity of India”, which Darjeeling MP, and the then BJP Stalwart, Jaswant Singh correctly pointed out to during his historical speech at the Lok Sabah on 24th July 2009.

Quoting Darjeeling MP to the Lok Sabha, Sri Jaswant Singh: “I am glad that a Tripartite Conference has been called. I urge you to recognize the need for a Gorkhaland. It is the oldest of the demands that have come.

The entire Himalayan tracts from the North-East, whether it is Nagaland, Manipur or Arunachal, Mizoram, Uttrakhand and Jammu and Kashmir, have been recognised as separate States.

What wrong have the Gorkhas done for not deserving a separate State? They are the sword arm of the country. They are living on the border. They fight for the country and they die for the country.

Sir, I have had the benefit of serving as a soldier, but when it comes to a demand to have legitimate interests of Darjeeling hill area, a legitimate demand for Gorkhaland ….. I will come to the point …. that will impart to the country’s public life a sense of morality and purity. But I wish to, from the general aspects ….. come to parochial, not personally parochial but nationally parochial points”. (quotes rearranged by the author to suit th points made).

And before Darjeeling MP left the Indian Army to join an Illustrious and Dignified Political Career, and was subsequently let down by the very party that he served faithfully for 30 years, the 1st Appointed Gurkha Brigadier – who was born in Darjeeling in 1933 and rose from the ranks– Retd Brig. N K Gurung, who was a batchmate of our Darjeeling MP, Jaswant Singh, from Jan 1956 to Dec 1957, shares the same concerns.

The Gorkhas played a vital role in helping to win the First and Second World Wars and the Third War (which is currently being fought, albeit under the guise of terrorism) is and cannot be “Nuclear but Economic” which Gorkhaland and the Gorkhas can and will also help this Great Nation of India win.

Meanwhile, with China now competing towards world supremacy – over and obove USA and the European Union – and showing both a certain “arrogance and belligerence” on the economic, political as well as military spheres of international influence, great heed and concerted action should be immediately initiated towards the reality on the ground. Indian Politicians, Military Leaders, Jawans as well as the ordinary citizenry should become more aware of the role “a future Gorkhaland” can play in the ‘Security as well as Economic’ well being of the Union of India.

Siliguri and Dooars would also do well to heed the future of its generations – that with the formation of a new Indian Union State of Gorkhaland – the currently demanded areas of the Indian Union State of Gorkhaland would turn into Special Economic Zones due to their strategic locations. Siliguri and Dooars as the “gateway” to the North-East would become akin to the “Singapore of the region” – just like Mumbai is the Indian Financial Capital of India.

Therefore, petty and narrow parochial differences of Bengalis vs Adivasis vs Gorkhays, have to be set aside by all various political factions with their current paltry ‘cultural and parochial differences’ for the wider interests of National Security and National Economical wellbeing – both on a Micro and Macro level.


Retd. Brigadier N. K. Gurung
During the 3 day Seminar held in Darjeeling between 7th – 9th November 2009, Retd Brig NK Gurung was also invited to present his views, which he did on the 9th of November 2009. However, little coverage was given to his very vital contribution, which this scribe felt was one of the most logical and vital issues raised during this Seminar and was fortunate to meet, interview and get a hold of a copy of Retd Brig NK Gurung’s presentation:

Preamble

1) Darjeeling had always been a strategic location sharing its border with 3 countries, that of Bhutan, in the East, Nepal in the West and Bangladesh in the South. It also shares the boundary with China through Sikkim. In the course of my talk it will be amply clear that Darjeeling has a major involvement with China, with border sharing with Darjeeling. We, therefore, can safely say that China is in the North and has a direct bearing on the strategic importance of Darjeeling. We will discuss each of these countries separately; vis-à-vis its strategic influence on Darjeeling.

China

2) First of all we will discuss China. Post 1962 Chinese and Indian armed forces have been deployed on the International Border right from Ladakh upto Arunachal Pradesh. Prior to 1962 also the border was occupied by troops but on a mere token basis. Opposite Sikkim at present troops are deployed right from the Sikkim Plateau in North Sikkim upto a prominent feature called Gyemochen in the Tri-junction between India, China and Bhutan. Important areas which we are concerned with are the Finger area in North Sikkim, Natuhula, Jelepla and Ridges emanating from Gyemochen on the International boundary coming towards the Dooars. Finger area in North Sikkim, Chinese troops had infiltrated many times. They had even stayed there for a day or two in the past. Chinese presence in Natula and Jelepla are strong as these are the two points from where the route to Tibetan Autonomous Region of China (TARC) start. Nathula has become a tourist spot also as they can visit the place after obtaining requisite passes from Government Authorities. Roads to Natula and Jelepla join at Yatung, which is about 20 Kms from the boarder. From here the road continues towards Tibet. Yatung is a thriving town. Prior to 1962 trade between India and Tibet was through Jelepla and not Nathula. Goods were stored in huge godowns in Kalimpong for further dispatch to Siliguri, Kolkatta and beyond, including some foreign countries. The trade route was closed after 1962 and opened recently but only through Nathula, probably because infrastructure through that route is better. Earlier, trade to Tibet, through Jelepla was carried out on mule track constructed by Capt Young Husband, when he took a campaign to Lhasa via Kalimpong in 1901 – 1904. It was few years after the construction of this mule track that the trade was opened via Jelepla to Kalimpong and beyond. Even after the occupation of Tibet by China trade continued till 1962.

3) China’s infrastructure in terms of roads are of a) High Standards. Road to Yatung and beyond to certain distance in visible from Nathula and Jalepla and the quality of road seems to be superior. They have constructed 4 lane roads in Tibetan plateau in Lhasa and beyond. They plan to continue their railway beyond Lhasa further south towards Sikkim and Bhutan. They have already constructed many airfields located in strategic areas. They have also constructed quality roads parallel to the border in their area. As and when, if China, extend their railway beyond Lhasa, it is estimated that they can mobilize 3 to 4 Divisions within 15-20 days time. (One Division has about 10-12 thousand troops).

4) After having served in Sikkim 3 times, I have noted the following:-

a) Over a period of time China has become more aggressive. They have crossed the border and come into our areas many times. In this sector however, there have been no clash between the two, except once in 1964 on Nathula pass where few soldiers from both sides lost their lives.

b) They keep coming to practically dominating areas to observe all around. From Nathula and Jelepla areas, Darjeeling and Kalimpong areas are clearly visible. They would have registered all important targets which they can engage with their artillery.

c) Though their history dates back to 4000 years, their civilization was shaken by violent change in 1949 when China was split into two nations – the People’s Republic of China (Taiwan) occupying traditional Chinese homeland on the mainland of Eastern Asia and the Republic of China

d) In National Defense and Security the regime has laid a solid foundation. China’s military strength consists of regular army (The People’s Liberation Army), the Public Security Force and the Militia. Militia training is carried out in every organization and enterprise, thus forming a tremendous manpower reserve to supplement the strength of regular army. The development of nuclear weapons, beginning in 1964, was dictated by a) deterrent strategy, aimed at giving China a strong defense on which to base its relations with other nations. China exploded its first nuclear bomb in 1964. In the subsequent years more sophisticated devices, including hydrogen bombs were exploded.

5) In the intervening period, China has become a powerful country in the world. They have the biggest well equipped army and have a big arsenal of nuclear bombs and possesses a second strike capability. It is a must for nuclear countries to have a second strike capability, which is done by nuclear submarines. China has 18 nuclear submarines. India has nothing much to show. China is assiduously working towards becoming Number 1 in the world. Their biggest competitor is USA. And now, China thinks even India can give them a run for their money on the Economic Front. China’s growth in the year 2007-2008 was a steady 9-10 % of their GDP. India also was very close with 8-9% of GDP growth. Even during the recession of 2008-09 China maintained a growth rate of 6% and India about 5%. During this time US growth was a mere 2-3%.

6) China’s biggest resource is their manpower. Their population is over 1.25 billion – the biggest in the world. India is 2nd most populated country with little over 1 billion. But China has used its human resource extremely well as it is possible because of being totalitarian country. Their labour is the cheapest in the world and their goods have captured the world market. However, quality at time is questionable.

7) From a strategical point of view, their army is much bigger. Their weaponry is superior and the number of weapons are also well ahead. They inflicted a humiliating defeat on India in 1962 in Arunachal Pradesh. They seem to be brimming with confidence, in-fact overconfidence, as they feel they are the most powerful country in the world and can smash India easily. But after the 1962 debacle, India has risen from the ashes and has become stronger and now can play a major role in all spheres.

Judging from the world opinion, a major operation by China may not be imminent. They will however, will not miss a single opportunity to belittle India in all forums including UNO. They are assisting Pakistan with arms and equipment to fight India. When India exploded the nuclear/hydrogen bomb, Pakistan was totally unprepared to react. It was China who helped Pakistan to explode a bomb and it is now very well known that Pakistan has an arsenal of nuclear bombs, clandestinely supplied by China. China had been supplying enriched uranium and the know-how to make nuclear bombs by Pakistan.

9) What then will be China’s strategy in the area of our border – in particular – and the areas of Bengal, Bangladesh and the Dooars ? Chinese action is dependent on its fierce anti-India feeling. They are aware that relations between India and Pakistan is not in the least friendly. They had been backing Pakistan right from the beginning to do India down, both strategically and economically. China has helped Pakistan in all spheres by giving them arms and even nuclear know-how. China can cause de-stabilization in India by using Bangladesh, Bengal and communist friendly states like Tripura and even Assam. In collusion with Bengal, China is already helping Bangladeshis to cross the Bengal border and enter Bengal and reaching right upto Dooars and even Assam. Bengal is keeping quiet as Bangladeshi’s will increase their vote bank. If the hill area of Darjeeling and Dooars are not careful – the area will be flooded with illegal migrants from Bangladesh and can cause serious problems in the Chicken Neck area and the Siliguri corridor. Chicken Neck Area is in the southern tip of Darjeeling District, located between North of Galgalia upto South of Naxal measuring 22 Kms X 20 Kms. This is a very sensitive area as towards the West, is Nepal border and towards the East, is Bangladesh border. Pakistan uses this area to infiltrate their agents – both Pakistanis and Bangladeshis to flood India with counterfeit currency – in order to destabilize the economy of the region and our country. It has come to light that even weapons have been smuggled through this area.

Bhutan

10) Now we will discuss Bhutan. The Country of Bhutan is located towards East of Darjeeling and traditionally the most friendly country with India. International boundary between Bhutan and Darjeeling is the Jaldhaka River. North of Dooars a small barrage was constructed at the Southern tip of Jaldhaka at a place called Bindu. North of Bhutan, towards China, is the Dolam Plateau and Jam Pheri Ridge, which are very sensitive to Bhutan. Jam Pheri Ridge is considered very important strategically from the Indian point of view also. The Ridge over looks the Dolam Plateau in Bhutan. If the Chinese can get access to this ridge, they can easily reach Jaldhaka, Dooars and threaten Siliguri corridor and the “Chicken Neck”. Chinese had been coming inside Bhutan and in 2007 they had also come to the Dolam Plateau and Jam Pheri Ridge and had stayed there for a few days. At that time the Indian Army had rushed troops to North Bengal from Jammu. The Defense Ministry though had down played the movement and had termed the troop deployment as routine.

11) Jam Pheri Ridge is a natural boundary between China and Bhutan, which has to be protected at all costs. If the Chinese succeed in entering Bhutan with large force through Dolam Plateau and Jam Pheri, there is little anyone can do to prevent the Chinese from moving towards Jaldhaka, Siliguri corridor and the Chicken Neck area. Should China decide to intrude, Bhutan Royal Army cannot stop them as the Bhutan Army is not trained nor equipped to fight the Chinese army.

12) It is ironical that though India is prepared to take on the task of defending a very friendly country like Bhutan, it may not be able to do so, as Bhutan has not allowed any foreign army to enter Bhutan. Therefore, any timely induction of troops into Bhutan will not be possible because of the following reasons:-

a) Mustering troops and movement will take a longer time because of lack of adequate roads and other infrastructures.

b) The present East-West highway NH31 (only upto Corronation Bridge) should have been converted into a 4 lane super-highway from Bagdogra to Coochbehar and beyond. NH31 enters Darjeeling area at “Chicken Neck” and passes through Bagdogra, Siliguri, Sevoke and from the Corronation Bridge from where NH31A starts (which goes upto Gangtok) continues towards Sikkim. From the bridge – the Highway NH31 turns East and passes through Bhakhrakot, South of Gorubathan and continues towards Coochbehar. This road should have been made into a 4 lane highway, which was originally planned by Ministry of Surface Transport. However, because of pressure from the West Bengal Government the alignment of road was changed and will now pass through Southern portion of Jalpaiguri, more or less, along the alignment of Northern Bangladesh border, making it more convenient to Bangladeshis to freely move around in the area. From Phuntsoling in Bhutan the highway needs serious upgrading. At present, the road surface is poor and at a number of places the road is narrow. Another road which requires major improvement and widening is NH31A from the Coronation Bridge to Gangtok. This road should be converted into a double lane for traffic. From Teesta the road bifurcates to Kalimpong and through Pedong – Rishi – Zuluk, which goes upto to Jelepla on the Chinese Border.

c) There is a plan to construct a railway from Sevok to Gangtok. An efficient railway system will be most conducive both tactically and strategically.

d) An airfield should be constructed in the vicinity of Gangtok where mid size aircrafts carrying troops can land. Similar airfield should be constructed in the area around Kalimpong and Pedong for quick induction of troops to the Jelepla area.

e) Minor buildup can take place by air by using airfields at Bagdogra, Hashimara and Paro in Bhutan.

Nepal

13) The Darjeeling hill shares its border with Nepal in the west starting at East of Galgalia and going North upto Sandakphu, beyond which the border is shared by Sikkim. Two major roads from Nepal terminate in the Darjeeling border area, one at Kakarbhitta and the other at Pashupati. Darjeeling shares 80 Kms of the border with Nepal in its Western side.

14) Though we have very friendly relations with Nepal and share an open border, Pakistan has capitalized the system and now has started economic warfare by flooding India with counterfeit currency. Not withstanding friendly relations with Nepal and the 1950 treaty allowing free passage through the boarder, Nepal has been open to subversion by ISI operatives. Yakoob Menon, one of the accused in 1993 Mumbai blast case was traced in Nepal. IC-814 high-jacking had its origins at Tribhuvan International Airport, which caused a great strain in bilateral relations between India and Nepal, which took sometime to mend. Dilip Bhujel, from Sindebong, Kalimpong was bought by ISI agents and had some connection with the high-jacking of IC-814. He was apprehended from Kalimpong, and it is learnt that he is currently in Tihar Jail.

15) Eastern area of “Chicken Neck” shares 25 Kms of its border with Bangladesh. This narrow neck has a major role to play as it can affect economical and strategical aspects in the whole of North East. If Pakistan or Bangladesh create commotion in the area of “Chicken Neck” whole of North-East states, including Bhutan and Sikkim, will come to a standstill, which naturally includes Darjeeling and Jalpaiguri.

16) Nepal’s current internal situation is also not conducive to India. Maobadi’s are creating problems in Nepal and the fallout will affect Darjeeling. Maobadi’s are acquiring weapons from China.

Bangladesh

17) Finally, let us discuss Bangladesh. Bengal shares a long border with Bangladesh – approximately 410 Kms. The border is manned by BSF, CRPF, SSB and some other para-military elements, but the force is not adequate and the border is thinly held and virtually a porous border. The Bangladeshi’s have made a number of entry points and are getting easy access into West Bengal and beyond. Many of them have settled in the area, including Dooars and they are now in possession of photo ID Cards. In order to swell the vote bank, Bengal has turned a blind eye towards infiltrating Bangladeshis. Demography in Jalpaiguri and Siliguri have drastically changed. Bangladeshi’s have now evolved a perfect entry system. Before crossing the border, their voter ID Cards, etc., are already prepared for a small price. In Jalpaiguri and Siliguri, population of Hindus and Muslims were: -

JALPAIGURI

1981/ 1991

HINDUS 1,35,938 / 1,90,805

MUSLIMS 1,63,522 / 2,35,733

SILIGURI

1981 / 1991

HINDUS 48,110 / 72,518

MUSLIMS 72,215 / 1,12,302

(Note by the author of the article – and not the opinion of Brig Gurung – *These statistics are shockingly disturbing, and if this trend continues the dire consequences to the region and to the Nation of India can well be negatively imagined.)

18) Bengal’s attitude in showing such utter laxity is not understood. This can cause serious security problem of national magnitude if induction of Bangladeshi’s is not seriously checked. Another key security concern in the area is “gun-running”. According to media reports, there are two routes through which the lucrative business of smuggling arms are being conducted. One through Bangladesh border and the other through Nepal border. And in such cases of smuggling of weapons, the ISI is fully involved. Militants cross through Bangladesh border and the blast in Assam in 2008 was carried out by militants who had crossed from Bangladesh with explosives.

Effects on Darjeeling and Dooars

19) Demographical imbalance in the plains of Siliguri and Dooars. A strict watch should be carried out on those people who try to infiltrate into the hills and the Dooars region.

20) Disturbance in “Chicken Neck” area and Siliguri corridor will block movement of essential stores and personnel to all states in the North East including Darjeeling, Dooars and also Bhutan.

21) Creational problems of Maobadi’s of Nepal who may now receive sophisticated weapons from China.

22) In case of hot-war, China will engage targets in the Darjeeling Hills and Dooars, which will include important vulnerable areas. The targets can be big towns, important bridges, ammunition points of the army, airfields and hydro power dams.

23) During cold war also, some trained infiltrators which could be paid local mercenaries can be used by China to infiltrate through the ridges to the Siliguri Corridor and Chicken Neck area to carry out subversive activities. This is amply proved by the fact that Chinese civilian spies were caught in 1962, who were staying in Kalimpong and were later deported.

What Should Be Our Action ??

24) Educate our citizens from the hills and Dooars about Chinese intentions and their hatred towards India. Show our citizens the border area and location of Nathula, Jelepla and Tri-junction between India, Bhutan and Tibet (China). Distance from centre of Darjeeling Town to Jelepla is 80 Kms as the crow flies.

25) Establish view-points at those places from where the border is clearly visible.

26) Plans should be prepared for counter infiltration.

27) GJMM President, Sri Bimal Gurung is already thinking to create a counter infiltration group, comprising of young & fit boys and train them. It is always better to be prepared.

28) After creation of Gorkhaland, parleys should be held with the centre for adequate safeguard of “Chicken Neck” and “Siliguri Corridor” in the Dooars area.

29) In Nepal and Bangladesh border there should be strict check of goods, particularly fake currency and weapons.

30) Strict scrutiny of Bangladesh nationals must be done and they should not be allowed to settle in our area.

In conclusion – the need for the creation of a New State within the Indian Union, of Gorkhaland, is not only, Politically and Economically expedient and of “paramount urgency”, but also an “acute necessity” – not to mention a “burning National Security Issue” – which if further neglected (or subterfuges played upon by various vested interests from both Bengal and within the Darjeeling Hills, amongst the Gorkha people and ‘so-called, self styled, pseudo’ intellectuals themselves) – would bring dire consequences to India’s well being and standing in the International Community and would further denigrate its historical “sense of morality and purity”. – Gorkhs Daju.

(Source: Retd. Brig. N K Gurung: Awarded the Sword of Honour as an all-round based cadet, as well as a gold medalist for standing 1st in “Military Tactics in 1957”, and was appointed Brigadier of the 4th Gorkha Rifles in 1983, is currently retired and lives in Kalimpong.)

OPINION: Greater Nepal and laughter
Posted by barunroy on November 1, 2009

FROM MYREPUBLICA.COM

DR RAMESH KHATRY


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Some patriots advocate that we should campaign for Greater Nepal. The Sugauli Treaty of 1816 restricted Nepal roughly to our present borders. In May 1858, after Jang Bahadur helped the British during the Sepoy Mutiny (some call it the first agitation for independence for India), he received back Banke, Bardiya, Kailali and Kanchanpur. Before the ill-fated 1814 Anglo-Nepali war, our borders stretched from the river Teesta to the East and Sutlez to the west. The argument goes – when the British left India, they should’ve restored Nepal to those very same borders.

Matrika Prasad Koirala laments that the Ranas didn’t ask the British for “Greater Nepal” when they left India for good. They “did never even think of claiming back the territories of Nepal, which were ceded to the British Crown in the year 1815; not even the contiguous area of Nepali-speaking Darjeeling and the like. They were rather content with the hush money of Rs 250 million, which Great Britain promised them and independent India paid later. Pt. Nehru personally mentioned this to me in 1948” (A Role in a Revolution, p. 41).

We can’t yet take care of what we already have. History tells us that no government ever made the welfare of Nepalis its priority. If a government can’t look after its smaller population, why demand for more? More recently, scholars have argued for Greater Nepal through articles in some national dailies. They leave the methodology towards that goal vague. However, they have expressed such thoughts precisely when India has encroached upon our eastern, western and southern borders. I admit that I’ve laughed at sentiments for Greater Nepal. Why?

First, we can’t yet take care of what we already have. History tells us that no government ever made the welfare of Nepalis its priority. If a government can’t look after its smaller population, why demand for more? We may excuse Prithvi Narayan Shah for poor administration because he had to spend most of his life fighting. But none of his descendants can claim to have done any better. His son Pratap Singh had no interest in governance. He indulged himself in poetry, music and tantricism (the art of gaining power through spiritual rituals and yoga); and, as Ludwig F. Stiller (The Rise of the House of Gorkha, p.120) claims, deflowered many virgins in the process.

His successor Rana Bahadur can properly win the title of the “worst king” in Nepali history. No woman could feel safe under his lecherous gaze. For the sake of a Brahmin widow, Rana Bahadur abdicated and put one-and-half-year-old Girwanyuddha Bikram on the throne. Historian Stiller says that Rana Bahadur “must go down in history as a king who irresponsibly deserted his office for personal reasons and in doing so seriously weakened the country he was called on to serve.” Rajendra Bikram remained faithful to his two wives but his inherent weakness before them and others ushered in Jang Bahadur. His son Surendra Bikram was mad and helped Jang to entrench himself firmly in power.

From the advent of Jang Bahadur (1846), the Ranas should take the blame for poor administration of our country. Development of the nation took a backseat. Mahesh Chandra Regmi (An Economic History of Nepal 1846-1901) states that Jang Bahadur wouldn’t build a single road to India fearing that the British would annex Nepal. Jang evidently told the British Resident in 1864, “I know very well that advantage would accrue to Nepal for a few years if we were to open the country to British officers and British merchants, but even supposing that we were to double our revenue for ten or twenty years, what good would that do to us? At the end of that time you would probably take the country.” Regmi claims that in general the “Rana Prime Minister tried to spend as little time as possible in running the affairs of state so as to leave as big a revenue surplus as possible as his personal profit.”

After the end of the Rana rule in 1950, Kings Tribhuvan, Mahendra, Birendra and Gyanendra put personal interests first before the national. The Rana dictatorship and the failure of the monarchy have given us the present Maoist monstrosity.

Second, our republican governments fared no better. Voices for Greater Nepal arise when India encroaches on our territories. No government has had the courage to take up the matter seriously with India. The Maoists agitated much on Indian imperialism while out of the government but turned meek and mild while they sat on the hot chair. The Nepali Congress and the UML have fared no better. When we can’t even protect what we have, why do we hanker for something bigger?

Third, present-day Nepalis living between the Teesta and the Sutlez would hardly contemplate being citizens of Greater Nepal. India marches on to become a superpower while we’ve been fighting for five months to make our Maoist-obstructed parliament functional. The former Nepali Chief Minister of Sikkim, Nar Bahadur Bhandari, once boasted that Maoism could never flourish in his state because his people enjoyed the fruits of democracy. Persecuted Nepalis of North-East India may long for Greater Nepal but not others. Nepali residents of Darjeeling and Kalimpong pine for statehood under the Indian state, not a return to the motherland. Those living in Dehradun and Nainital seem content at their lot in life. Even Bhutan’s Nepali refugees prefer to return to their own country if they could.

Fourth, since India has already given Rs 250 million (as Matrika Prasad Koirala states) for our territories that we once owned between the Teesta and the Sutlez, the Ranas have sold away our Greater Nepal. Perhaps, scholars should write PhD theses on where the money went. Rana prime ministers like Padma and Mohan Shamsher retired to India. Did part or all of the money go with them?

In his classic essay (Is Nepal Small?), the great poet Laxmi Prasad Devkota argued that our small country can boast of many advantages. Small Nepal is beautiful but could become prosperous as well. Wealthy Singapore, perhaps as tiny as Kathmandu Valley in size, proves him right. Still rooting for Greater Nepal? Ha, ha! Let’s manage the smaller Nepal we have better