Hillman's Column : An eye to a new Tibetan perspection


December 16,2009

Since the visit of the USA President Barrack Obama to the Peoples Republic of China and that program preceded by the non acceptance of his Highness the Dalai Lama seeking an appointment with the new President of the USA is an eye opener to the new ground realities of the economic related political readjustment of the latter with the former, this is indicated as the writ on the wall, as accepting China’s image as the future numero uno displacing the throne occupied by the USA. With this perspection in mind the Tibetans, as a govt. in exile need address the Tibetan issue with a re-look on the unfolding political exigencies of the times. Based on which the Tibetan policy requires to be readjusted on the basis of the acceptance of the controversial Chinese region of Tibet being recognized as an integral part of China by the Barack Obama Govt. of USA.

In continuing the vein, since Sikkim is an adjoining region of Darjeeling District (West Bengal in India) and in consideration of the two year old agitation demanding a state of Gorkhaland, ostensively within the Indian Union, has much significance in reference to the opening of the border trade between Sikkim (India) and Tibet(TARC) some years back is required to be measured in portions as the concerned people of Kalimpong subdivision have thereby appealed for resumption of foreign trade with Tibet (TARC) extending out from the subdivision town Kalimpong which was once upon a time considered the last trade outpost from India. In Kalimpong was situated the last Chinese Agent office and residence at Tirpai Hill in the premises belonging to an influential trading family known as the Pandasangs which family once held the post of Regent in Tibet. It is rumoured that this family’s export turnover of wool shipped out of Kalimpong since many years time, all deposited in banks in the USA is said to amount to a sizable big fortune. It would be interesting to investigate and find out what remains of the double storied concrete structure that once was occupied by the Chinese Agent.

The point attempted to elaborate vis a vis the opening of the Nathu la trade and then following the same route the appeal of Kalimpong citizens for the reopening of the Jelep la to convenience trade from West Bengal is a issue which is well presented and recorded in the bureaucratic files in the Ministry of Commerce in the State and at the Centre. The effect of the representation by the concerned from Kalimpong was so focused that it was reflected in the utterances of the Urban and Development Minister of West Bengal Shri Asok Bhattachajee exclaiming adamantly that he would hold strikes in order to express his solidarity in reopening the Jelep la Border trade through Kalimpong in West Bengal.

The matter is a backburner for reasons best known to the Central Govt., but the reason is conspicuous in the findings of the operations of the border trade at Nathu la which undoubtedly is just a border mart and cannot be considered, under any stretch of imagination, as trade under the conditionalities of export-import rules and regulations.

While looking into the operation of the trade it is discovered the rules of operations is more akin to an administrative contiguous regions of Sikkim and Tibet only, and not between two sovereign nation states. This is quizzical to the lay public who are unable to understand the intricacy of political gimmicks, seen as such at one point of conversions.

The pertinent question to ask, without being verbose is about the acceptance of the erstwhile kingdom of Sikkim as the 28th State in the Union of India, seems too fuzzy to attempt any confirmation. Whenever this question is asked the quick response by the bureaucrats and those concerned in formalizing the opening of the Nathu la border trade, one is advised to confirm it in the internet. This being done so, the map discovered in it is a childish hand drawing map of the two regions demarcated by a line bordering Tibet and India with no clear cut indication of the borders at all, without mentioning names with the assumption the Chinese scripts indicating the bordering countries assumed as Nepal and Bhutan. It is improbable Sikkim is at all mentioned in the map.

In following the literature accompanying the map by P.S.Suryanarayana (in Singapore) under the heading ‘China acknowledges India’s sovereignty over Sikkim by issuing a revised map of the relevant region’ one is more baffled, and this requires to be further elaborated when, ‘at one level, the memorandum which identified Changgu of Sikkim State as a new venue for border trade market’. Can the concerned authorities and persons involved in the opening of the border trade clarify territorial position of ‘Changgu of Sikkim State’ in perspection to the two countries in question? This is a very serious matter which requires reconfirmation of the position accepted in terms of the border trade. Sweeping the dust under the carpet is the habit of most politicians and bureaucrats considering the temporary nature of their status, and leaving the floor to be clean swept by future undertakings. This is a very dangerous practice. In absence of any formal declaration by authorities of the Peoples Republic of China the idea of accepting an interrelated map cited in the internet as evidence of acceptance is unacceptable under any given circumstances. As a result one can anticipate, anytime in the future a condition similar to the claim of China to the State of Arunachal Pradesh countering this threat by allowing His Highness The Dalai Lama a religious leader to visit the State was an issue which burnt the finger when China rhetorically expressed the threat and the lesson of 1962 war, which was seen to have been won by the aggressor.

In further reading the text portrayed by Chinese officials as a trade-related aspect of a ‘win win solution’ is a ‘persher’ (Hebrew for meaning just opposite) to be read as such by India. For further elaboration the border trade agreement in so far as Sikkim was concerned, ‘the Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Kong Quan emphasizes last June that Sikkim, an enduring question left over from history,…cannot be solved overnight, it would require to be solved in a gradual manner’, is a clear sign of an impending issue requiring resolution at some point in time.

Getting back to the track with an eye to a new Tibetan perspection herewith is submitted an article which was drafted on behalf of a particular NGO addressing to all concerned parties long before the visit of President Barack Obama was scheduled, which is as follows.
The Right Approach to the Tibetan Cause

In the present economic crisis confronting the globalization as a perception of capital and human resources, one must be prepared to understand the dire consequences facing humans at large, worldwide, rich or poor, beyond sovereign boundaries, stressed to be saved from the adverse effects of the international economic downslide. Under such existing pressure on the world faced with these crisis scenes, affecting every citizen of the globe, to render solutions or resolutions on other consideration aspects than the present crisis would be inconsiderate as without taking the ground realities in focus, can only be expressed as originating from a subjective view point.

The cause of Tibet, no doubt, however is explicit and inclusively is a genuine concern, requiring to be presented to the attention of the public at large but simply in terms of human understanding, goodwill and concern. Simply expressed, the Tibetan issue as a matter of policy should be regarded superfluous to the purview of political review. It maybe comfortably addressed in public forum as a matter of basic fundamental human rights concern within a larger space earlier provided inclusively and exclusively for the same Mongoloid race of peoples bordering the Hans. Living as human species is a human right protected by all civil societies and guaranteed by the world bodies. Hence it would only be suitable and proper to chant the universal mantra of Chenrizi (the all powerful and all seeing Tibetan version of Lord Vishnu) ‘Om mani padma hum’. One must exist in this world of salient beings accepting all vicissitudes of life in a philosophical manner, in the transcendental wisdom of Pragyaparamitra, the philosophy of middle path propounded by none other than Nagarjuna, the great Indian philosopher, expounding and enlarging the path chosen by the Indian prince Gautama, the Buddha, the ‘enlightened’.

The few millions of souls in Tibet, as well as the hundred thousand and more of them in self exile as imposed refugees in diaspora in alien and foreign lands is a regrettable sight, is a problem to be addressed and resolved by the world community at possibly the earliest time frame. However, this is not to be as previous experience has depicted, and probably, not to be on the immediate future, but as all sad things come to an end, but considering it is only human to err should be the criteria in hoping that better days are yet to come for all Tibetans, and those outside, once the Republic of China realizes, the question of Tibet should be considered in wider aspects of Tibet in China processing reforms and development, social, economic and political requiring bipartisan associated treatment to all matters to further guaranteed the mutuality of interest amongst the two peoples. This should be the method of approach to bring about a permanent solution than otherwise other stances applied past six decades seen proactive and divisive by the counterpart. This should not be the program nor the stance towards the goal. The Tibetans need to redefine the Chinese ethnicity more as brother of the same soil and country to live together in allotted space since millenniums, when the history of the two peoples are invariably conjoined with each other in love and war, as a family of nations repletely displayed by historical events. The written history of Tibet is related to both China and India since the time of the King Tsongsa Gomphu whose two queens originating ethnically from China and Nepal (conceived as India) who are now deified to sainthoods is recognition of the fact.
Once this common bond and history is understood in its proper perspection the path ahead will be smoother away from the jagged terrain, as made out by those perpetrated to be friends, but otherwise in various skins except their own. The emphasis of true friends is to bring about peace and friendship, and not encourage the spread of uneven forces working in tangent, creating more instability and tension to satisfy individualistic goals as a form of national policies. The western countries, those in Europe, no doubt are aware of the cause of Tibet but are ineffective as friends to ameliorate the problem and are merely seen as soft speaking diplomatic friends than a true blood relative. In this aspect the role of the USA is considered even more superfluous, in that, as a super power, in order to adjust the balance of world powers, the role performed are not beyond suspicion of doubt to the sincerity of purpose. It is hoped under the Presidentship of Mr. Barack Obama, the first African American to hold such important post in the USA, a new philosophy is evolved to face the challenges of destabilization democratically with a resolution of a human eye and not world domination as focused by the earlier history of USA. The youth in him is to be emulated by the Tibetan stock within and outside Tibet.

Cutting a long story short it is expected that the directly involved countries in regard to Tibet issue are required to play a more important role as a catalyst triggering historical events of fame and fortune thereby being effective mediators than only as guide, philosopher and friend. It is doubtful whether the many friends of Tibet projecting their genuineness are after all are to be asked whether they are truly playing the rightly directed parts, or only adding lip service without the words. This seems to be the agenda in the card as observed till date. It is now nearly seventy years past after the first uprising for self-determination in Tibet in 1950, that no perceived improvement in relations between the two countries are visible nor recorded. In fact the bridge is widening apart than decreasing the proximity. Addressing the chasm is nowhere in sight at least presently seen. What and who is to be blamed for this downturn of events is not a question to be asked, but, now ask what can be done to bring about a rapprochement between the lead players resolving a final solution. This is the question of the hour.

In this approach, it is felt, India also as the immediate afflicted neighbour in that space, being the largest democracy in the world and doubtlessly wielding enormous economic and political leverage in the world stage, no less than redoubtable China, is enhanced to play a more proactive role to consider the issue in a tripartite manner discussing all pending issues composite to the context of the three neighbouring countries holding their own stakes. India too has issues related to territorial problems which are directly or indirectly related to Tibetan sequence in Ladakh, Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh the bordering areas claimed by China as the domain of erstwhile Tibet. The general issue of Tibet will unfurl many hidden agendas concerning all three parties, hence the vitality in originating a new agenda amongst the three to defuse the pending problems. These if at all, to be resolved, need their mutual will and the required perseverance mainly of India and China to thrash out the nut from the shell, which happens to be the Tibetan cause as of the moment. Regrettably it is to India’s interest that the Tibetan case is unresolved till its border issues are first attended to. This is the crux of the matter which Tibetans will have to accept.
Any resolution between Tibet and China will highlight the pending border issues to the advantage of Tibet and thereby to China at the cost of Indian stance. India needs to come out clean in regard to Tibet and not keep the cause as hostage to certify its own scheme of things and events.

India needs to break out from the shell it has created. If it is enabled to do so it will be the ultimate sacrifice as a contribution of India to solve the Tibetan imbroglio, if at all it endeavours an attempt. India is attributed with all the goodwill, ready references and the required background qualification to take up the issue in right earnest to derive a final solution. After all, India too has a chunk of stake in the entire deal. In fact, it will be to the interest of India to resolute an attempt at a peaceful and meaningful negotiation to bring about a settlement of the Tibetan issue. The issue being, to allow the preservation of Tibetan regional identity within the body frame of the Chinese Republic. Whether India can manage to approach the issue with these ideas is a thought provoking question. Will it or will it not undertake such a preemptive action? India unable to upfront its own problems related to Tibet, is burdened under the circumstances and excuses itself from the deal under presumptive assumptions to the disinterest of the Tibetan cause. The earliest confrontations with the problems is more advisable than delaying it for time to heal the wound is a fool’s’ dream, un-pragmatic, as if sweeping the dust under the carpet. This is a hard reality of fact which both Tibetans and Indians must chew, while at the same time the international bodies are inspiring India to take the lead by spearheading the Tibetan cause as the ultimate solution for all parties concerned. Till this ground reality is taken into consideration the Tibetan cause can only sail without the assistance of a tide so prerequisite to lift the ship from the beach to the water.

All friends for the Tibetan cause need to realize this transparency and petition proper approach to Indian leaders of all organisations at the helms of power in Delhi to move the subject ahead, bilaterally, if at all possible, with China to address and resolve Tibet’s right to life, liberty and freedom of expression as an autonomous state under the sovereignty of the greater nation. This will effect the Tibetans in diaspora the ability to reclaim their territorial ethnic motherland and create a living space for their political existence thereafter.

In consideration of the wide span of time interval between 1950, and the present time, a new generation of people has replaced the old structure of then. In this changed environment in space, the young generation, no doubt be called upon to express their views on the situation at hand originating from the past in a more practical manner with a mindset directed to perform and deliver, than chant old slogans and mantras only. The youth must come and with an open frame of mind realizing full well the ground realities of the present times. No doubt proactive examples as those performed during the last Olympic Games generated worldwide attention but ineffective results to highlight the Tibetan cause to a central table on the world stage. In final analysis the event show caused the opposite effect highlighting the picturous grandeur of the game which was deliberated without any whisper of complaint. The intended Tibetan cause was in fact disinherited in contrast to the Olympic Games as a world event intended destabilization by the activists of Tibet’s cause.
On the contrary, instead China walked away with the cake comprising an impressive tally of prize medals to impress the entire world, especially the west, that, the Chinese dragon is now awake.

These are ground situations one must account in the balance sheet to carry over the business forward to a conclusive end, destined by a peaceful approach, mutually benefiting, and above all without a feeling of rancor, repression or without any aggressive stance – only to speak the language of brotherhood that past differences and demand should not mar the ongoing process to a final solution recognizing the Tibetan national identity within the context of the larger nation, which can be seen as a proud occasion for the entire world. One is required to recollect and reminiscence, China and her own people were burdened, harassed and mitigated by its own historical turn of events dismalled in the past by the social, economic and political trauma from and since the advent of extreme Communism started in the early 19th century which lasted till recent times with immense damage to the country’s civilized evolution. It is only now China is opening up to realize its past history in order to recognize the present one. Hence, while raising the Tibetan issue at any level, the above realization is to be studied in contrast before any such personal issues, as the one of Tibet, is to be raised in a synchronized harmonistic pattern to create a level field based only on mutual understanding and goodwill between peoples and nations.

India too has a historical past having grown out of a condition based on foreign rule, and it was only emerging out of the shackles in 1950 (the forming of the Constitution) when the Tibetan issue had just fermented to a potent content of a revolution. India was in no position to estimate the political implications of the happenings in Tibet, being too immature neither to understand nor tackle the Tibetan issue politically. Hence the inexperience in handling the situation was otherwise thought as regardless and the consideration not true. Since these past times, China it seems to have undergone many changes with the incoming of the new generation within its fold injecting new blood and philosophy. This seems an advantageous condition to initiate a proactive dialogue in regard to the Tibetan issue, now. If at all Tibet is to derive political concessions from China, this is the time to press on but with a open frame of mind, with open ended petitions, inclusively as well as exclusively to arrive at a position of mutual benefit and corroboration between the Tibetan and the Hans people. There is a recognized possibility, within the near future more democratic posture will settle in China heralded by the sure signs of economic liberalization leading to globalization in which China features without any bounds and limitations, ‘no matter the colour of the cat as long as it gets the rat’ seems to be the adage of the new social, economic and political order. It is within this growing attitude of mainland China in which the Tibetans in exile can afford to take advantage, perspectively, for an early settlement of the issue. This stance will prove to be more accommodative, adapting to a future chain of events destined for China which has the potential and the capability to become a super power of immense importance. The western countries already have predicted this condition and accordingly have joined the long column of queue to obtain the balcony seat on the show in China and its advantageous position at the centre stage in every international forum.
It is now very important for the Tibetans in diaspora to realize this reality, and convey this bench mark approach, with India’s influence and support, to solve the pending issue of Tibet related to mainland China. This is the roadmap ahead to be taken democratically processed through dialogues and discussions, after all one has to become the cat to get the rat.

India’s existing border problems might be a stumbling block on raising the Tibetan issue, although its validity is already accepted internationally but without much vigour and zest. It be of interest to all three stakeholders to accept the commonality of the problem at hand and try giving it a push to achieve a permanent deal, inspite of the fact China may not accept a tripartite overture, considering discussions on Tibet as an integral part of the country. Despite this objection, India’s role to advance Tibet’s cause transparently and effectively is a healthy approach. Total rejection by China to this inspired deal is not reassured, and hence opening a completely new chapter in this direction may be uneventful, but if, at the same time if accepted, would not only be a progressive positive step, but in fact be the right first footstep leading to the one and only direction, that is the mutual acceptance of understanding among the three players on the field. The new breed of generations grown up away from their own country Tibet now have acquired a better understanding, having looked at the issue from an objective angle and therefore equipped to take up the cause with all the concerned in India, and energize initiating a dialogue, if at all only to deliberate and discuss the issue, and accord carry forward thereby, hopefully to achieve a permanent solution to the pending Tibetan problem within China.

In consonance with the submission of the Memorandum on Genuine Autonomy for the Tibetan People to the concerned authorities dealing with the case of Tibetan Autonomous Region of China (TARC) within the Peoples Republic of China, this body wishes to express all good wishes, good luck and prosperity for the Peoples Republic of China and also those brothers inhabiting in TARC. This body prays that the human will and human concerns will project and prevail on all those who go about to bring about the proper fruitation from the tree of life, love and understanding, and thereby providing a final solution to the amalgamation of the ethnicity of Bod or The-bhet (TARC) to initiate and develop the cultural bond with the Hans family of nations, originating from one of the oldest and the greatest civilization known to mankind. It should be a cause of great honour for the Tibetan people to be accepted with the Hans-fold of people and accordingly contribute by no means and measure for the well-being and upliftment of TARC. This is in spirit deemed to play a definite and great role in the family of nations in the not too distant future.

With these thoughts in mind may all rest in peace and happiness as I do so now in humble thoughts, anticipating the fulfillment of the above eventful dreams.

Hillman-the Analyst

About Sikkim

Area : 7,096 sq. km
Population : 540,493
Capital :Gangtok
Principal Languages : Lepcha, Bhutia, Limbu and Nepali

History and Geography


Tashiding Monastery
The early history of Sikkim starts in the 13th century with the signing of a blood-brotherhood treaty between the Lepcha Chief Thekong Tek and Tibetan prince Khye-Bumsa at Kabi Lungtsok in North Sikkim. This follows the historical visit of three revered Lamas to Yuksam in 1641 in West Sikkim, where they consecrated Phuntsog Namgyal, a sixth generation descendent of Khye-Humsa as the first Chogyal of Sikkim, thus heralding the beginning of the Namgyal dynasty in Sikkim. With the march of history, events in Sikkim saw the state pass through the process of democratisation and became an integral part of the Indian Union in 1975. Guru Padmasambhava blessed Sikkim route to Tibet. Sikkim is a blessed land, where people from all communities live in harmony. Inspite of the fact that Sikkim comprises of different people and multi ethnic society, perhaps it is the most peaceful state of the Indian Union to promote communal harmony and human relations, a feat which is much expected in a plural society like India.
Sikkim is a small hilly state, bounded by vast stretches of Tibetan Plateaux in the North, the Chumbi Valley of Tibet and the Kingdom of Bhutan in the East, the Kingdom of Nepal in the West, and Darjeeling (West Bengal) in the South. The State has a total area of 7,096 sq km, and is stretched over 112 km from North to South, and 64 km from East to West. It lies in the North-Eastern Himalayas between 27 degree 00′ 46″ to 28 degree 07′ 48″ North Latitude, and 88 degree 00′ 58″ to 88 degree 55′ 25″ East Longitude.

The world’s third highest mountain, Kanchenjunga, regarded as the guardian deity of Sikkim, dominates the tiny Himalayan State with its awe-inspiring beauty and majesty. Sikkim is one of the 18 bio diversity hotspots in the world. The Sikkim Himalayas show tremendous biological diversity. More than 5000 species of angiosperms are found in the State, which is nearly one third of the total species of angiosperm found in the country. There are 4,000 species of flowering plants, 300 species of ferns and allies, 450 to 500 species of orchids, 36 species of Rhododendrons, 40 species of oaks, 30 to 40 species of Primulas and bamboos, 144 species of mammals, 500 to 600 species of birds, over 400 species of butterflies and moths, and many species of reptiles in the State. Rare Blue Sheep, Tibetan Mastiff, Yaks and Red Pandas are found here.

Agriculture
The State’s economy is basically agrarian. More than 64 per cent of the population depends on agriculture for their livelihood. Agricultural land in Sikkim is estimated to be around 1,09,000 hectares, i.e., 15.36 per cent of the total geographical area. Farmers commonly follow mixed farming. Maize, rice, wheat, potato, large cardamom, ginger and orange are the principal crops. Sikkim has the largest area and highest production of large brown cardamom in India. Ginger, potato, orange and off-season vegetables are other cash crops.

Industry
Though Sikkim has been declared an industrially backward state, the existence of craftsmanship based traditional Sikkimese cottage industries dates back to several centuries. Lepcha’s skill in bamboo-craft, woodwork, spinning of yarn and carpet weaving in traditional textures, Bhutia’s excellence in ancient Tibetan practice of carpet and rug weaving and Nepali’s celebrated craftsmanship of their metalwork, silverware and woodwork are very exclusive.

Sikkim Jewels Limited is one of the sophisticated and precision oriented industries for the manufacture of jewel bearings for electric meters, water meters and other measuring instruments like watches and clocks. Ten ancillary units have been set up to manufacture watch jewels. The SIDICO provides long-term loans for cottage, tiny, small and medium scale industrial units, hotels, hospitals, nursing homes and taxis.

Irrigation and Power
Tenth Five Year Plan targets to irrigate 34,118 hectares of agricultural land. Total installed capacity of power in the State is 36 MW that is hydro based with transformation capacity of 123 MVA. Rangeet hydel project has installed capacity of 560 MW. The total power potential of the State is estimated at 8,000 MW. The Teesta Valley Project now under construction is a run of the river scheme located in the East District and the proposed installed capacity of this project is 510 MW.

Transport
Roads: Gangtok is connected by roads with Darjeeling, Kalimpong, Siliguri, and also with all the district headquarters within Sikkim. The total road length of the state is 2,383 km, including 41 km of National Highway.

Railways and Aviation: The closest railway stations are Siliguri (113) and New Jalpaiguri (125 km) connecting Kolkata, Delhi, Guwahati, Lucknow and other important cities. There is no airport in Sikkim, although there is a helicopter service between Gangtok and Bagdogra, heavily subsidised by the State Government. The State has also initiated construction of a number of helipads to connect the district and sub-divisional headquarters and important tourist places.

Information Technology
A new Information Technology Department has been created in the State, and has prepared extensive projects to give top priority to this department. The newly created department has already launched a number of Web sites on Sikkim, and is now aiming for e-governance through the use of information tools. The official Web site of Sikkim, hosted and maintained by the Department of Information Technology, Government of Sikkim, is www.sikkimgovt.org

Festivals
Sikkim’s population comprises the three principal ethnic communities of the Bhutias, Lepchas and the Nepalese. Maghey Sankranti, Durga Puja, Laxmi Puja and Chaite Dassai/Ram Navami, Dassai, Tyohar, Sonam Losoong, Namsoog, Tendong Lho Rum Faat (Worship of Mt. Tendong), Lohsar (Tibetan New Year) are the major festivals. The other festivals include Sakewa (Rai), Sonam Lochar (Gurung), Barahimzong (Magor), etc.

Tourism

Gangtok, Sikkim
Sikkim is famous for its lush green vegetation, forest, scenic valleys and majestic mountains, and a range of rich and magnificent cultural heritage and peace loving people, which provide a safe haven for tourists. The State Government supports eco-friendly and pilgrim tourism and accordingly, has provided facilities to enable visitors to enjoy a first-hand experience of the rich heritage and lifestyle of Sikkim. Recognising the potential of adventure tourism, the State government is setting up a Himalayan Centre for Adventure Tourism at Chemchey Village in South Sikkim.

The premier monastery of Sikkim is Pemayantshe in Pelling. Apart from this, there is Tashiding Monastery in West Sikkim, which is considered the holiest of all the monasteries in Sikkim. The most ancient monastery of Sikkim is in Yuksom, called the Drubdi monastery. It was the personal hermitage of Lhatsun Chenpo (Patron Saint of Sikkim), and was possibly built in 1700 A.D. Some of the other monasteries are Phodong, Phensang, Rumtek, Ngadak, Tolung, Ahlay, Tsuklakhand, Ralong, Lachen, Enchey and others. Of the Hindu temples, the best known is the Thakurbari, in the heart of Gangtok. There is also a holy cave in South district, which has a Shiva Lingam that irradiates the cave where no other light finds its way. There are some important Gurdwaras and Mosques, chief among them being in Gangtok and Ravangla.

Should India be broken up into smaller states?


India today has 28 states. Assuming 20% population growth since the last census, Uttar Pradesh has 198 million people, more than Brazil, Russia or Pakistan. Maharashtra has 106 million, West Bengal 96 million and Andhra Pradesh 90 million . All are much bigger than France or Britain.

At the other end of the scale, Sikkim has just 0.6 million people, Mizoram 1.1 million and Arunachal Pradesh 1.3 million. Clearly , statehood has been determined by political expediency, not logic.

Is there an economic case for carving smaller states out of large ones? Some analysts say small states won’t be economically viable. Others believe small states will fare better, since ordinary people will have better access to power elites. Consider the record of three states carved out of larger ones in 2000 — Jharkhand , Chhattisgarh and Uttarakhand.

Ignore data for the first few transitional years. Instead , focus on the average growth rate of gross state domestic product for the last five years, from 2004-05 to 2008-09 .

Amazingly, all three new states have grown fabulously fast. Uttarakhand has averaged 9.31% growth annually, Jharkhand 8.45%, and Chattisgarh 7.35%. All three states belong to what was historically called the BIMARU zone, a slough of despond where humans and economies stagnated. Out of this stagnant pool have now emerged highly dynamic states.

Some caveats are in order. The central government exempted industries in Uttarakhand from excise duty, a concession already applicable to other hill states such as Himachal Pradesh , Kashmir and the northeastern states.

Many big industries rushed to Uttarakhand for the tax break, giving the state’s growth an artificial boost . Still, Uttarakhand easily outperformed Himachal Pradesh (8.47%) and Kashmir (5.98%). Remember, Uttarakhand was once considered the poorest, most backward part of UP. After statehood, it has become a growth champion.
Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh were the most backward parts of Bihar and Madhya Pradesh, which in turn were among the most backward states of India.

Yet, after becoming separate states, Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh have emerged as industrial dynamos. Both have large tribal belts with pathetic infrastructure. In Chhattisgarh, four-fifths of habitations lack road access. Both states have ample minerals like coal and iron ore.


But this was not an economic advantage when they were part of larger states. Rather, their mineral revenues were diverted to state capitals. This
diversion ended after they became separate states.

Their rapid economic growth has been tainted by massive corruption. Sheer money power enabled an independent, Madhu Koda, to become chief minister of Jharkhand and rule for years. He handed out dozens of mining licences , instead of auctioning them to the highest bidder.

Alas, this problem affects the whole of India: Natural resources from coal to the telecom spectrum are constantly gifted to favoured parties instead of being auctioned , and this enables politicians to amass fortunes . But just as the telecom revolution has been good for India despite corruption , so has private entry into mining and processing.

Jharkhand and Chattisgarh are not growing fast simply through mining. They have experienced a manufacturing boom. Read what research firm Indicus Analytica has to show:

“Since 2001, Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh have moved up into the top 10 (industrial states), displacing Rajasthan and Punjab... The phenomenal growth in these two states has seen the share of manufacturing in their GDP rise dramatically as they have attracted industrial projects.

Looking at the share of income that originates in the manufacturing sector, these two states have shown higher levels than Maharashtra , Haryana and Tamil Nadu...Being newer and smaller states, they responded more rapidly than their larger — and in some cases better endowed — neighbours... Raipur in Chhattisgarh has now entered the top 10 districts of India in manufacturing, with two industrial estates at Urla and Siltara” .

Now, millions of tribals have been bypassed , especially in remote areas where Maoism flourishes. However, the biggest tribal agitations against giant mining projects are in Orissa. The big Jharkhand projects of Tata and Mittal are in limbo since the state has stalled land acquisition.

The neglect of tribals and consequent rise of Maoism is a blot on the record of Jharkhand and Chattisgarh. The creation of the vigilante Salwa Judum to counter Maoists in Chattisgarh has widely been condemned for violating civil rights.

The two states account for 68% of all Maoist attacks. That’s bad for civil rights and security . Yet, achieving fast growth amidst such insurgency is a major economic feat. It highlights the dynamism created when backward regions become separate states. Hopefully, this economic dynamism will help mitigate the backwardness on which Maoism thrives.

“ Sikkim still enjoys international personality in international law”
as per M. Hidayatullah’s legal observation .

Quote – “…No less eminent a jury than M. Hidayatullah, retired Chief Justice and later Vice-President of India, had opined, on his advice being sought by the Prince, on the legality of India’s action. He has held that enactments by the Indian Parliament could have no effect in altering Sikkim ’s status as an international personality.”

“In opinion of counsel, the status of Sikkim in International Law before and after the constitutional amendment in India remains exactly the same. Sikkim ’s international distinct personality is unaffected and it is a protectorate as before”. Hidayatullah stresses that the relation between India and Sikkim had vested entirely on the treaty of 1950. “A treaty cannot be contemplated unless each contracting party has a distinct sovereign international personality. The treaty 1950 discloses true indica of a distinct international personality in so far as Sikkim is concerned”.

He concluded that “ Sikkim enjoyed an international personality and still does so, although sovereignty is shared. This is a result of a historical association with India even prior to the Indo-Sikkim Treaty of 1950. This still continues inspite of the events of 1974 and the amendment of the Indian Constitution”. ….unquote.

source: VOS:( Sikkim, A Himalayan Tragedy )

Sikkim is an everlasting bleeding tumour for India and China

Variskovki B



China is juggling border issue on surface even though India continues to give various updates to the world over incursion behaviours of dragon. In prejudice, how long would the residential people remain in dismay between hope and despair sandwiched between two major giant nations, both nations are equally powerful to make any retaliations any time for the chunk. Major jerk by Indian government through electing national party in Arunachal Pradesh has shut up China’s lips forever. The people of Arunachal Pradesh are now a complete Indians by varsity, this reality reflects that from now China should stop making any deceive tactics in international podium on Arunachal Pradesh. What about the Sikkim now? Would Sikkim continue justify to the world about its people’s verdict? What is inside the mind of Sikkim people may be or not Indian Governement is clear about it?

The game of satisfaction between Indian Government and Sikkim people after merger is what China pretexts mostly likes to highlight in international debates.

“Now, it lies in the hands of either of the nations to make arrangement for the Judgement Day”. The very judgement which would clarify completeness of long lasting bleeding tumour ‘SIKKIM?’ . Sikkim, still is a doubtful mistake ever done by India Government, only the way to settle down border conspiracy is elope completely or throw away the garbage forever!!

source: voice of sikkim

Delhi Calls Bhutan King for an Orientation

17 December 2009

By Govinda Rizal

The Fifth Monarch Jigme Kesar Namgyal Wangcghuck is called to India to ensure that every step in Thimphu is in tune with trumpet played from New Delhi. Two year after the revision of Indo Bhutan Treaty 1949, a year after the enthronement of the king, the declaration of a royal democracy, election in Bhutan and comeback of the Congress (I) with a majority in the Delhi, South block wants to ensure that Bhutan is still in its cocoon.

Until 2007, Bhutan was virtually an Indian protectorate state with Indo- Bhutan Treaty 1949 holding Bhutan’s foreign affairs under its surveillance. The 1949 treaty was rephrased into Indo Bhutan Treaty 2007 and signed on February 8 by Indian Foreign Affairs Minister Pranab Mukharjee and then Crown Prince Jigme Khesar Namgyal Wangchuck. The amendment particularly promoted Bhutan to take independent decision over her foreign affairs.


Junior Jigme: Jigme Khesar
Soon after Bhutan’s independence in the treaty, the People’s Republic of China and United States of America expressed their necessities for establishing their embassies in Bhutan. Now Bhutan is under decision time to say “Yes” or “No” to China and USA. Bhutan’s “Yes” to either or both the countries shall give an unexpected fever to India, and her “No” a source of continuous pressure on herself.

Territory and terrorism

India is worried about the Bhutan’s exchange of land with china in its north and west, the land that has strategic advantage for all the three countries. Bhutan shares 470-kilometer long partially demarcated border with China. China wanted a direct diplomatic relationship with Bhutan for all issues. China wanted to give Bhutan 495 square kilometers area of land in exchange for an area of 269 square kilometers of land of Sinchulumba from Bhutan’s North West. Sinchulumba is in militarily strategic position that touches the border with Sikkim and is very close to Chumbi valley. Both Bhutan and China had agreed to talk further, which has worried India.

Both the governments in New Delhi and Thimphu have lost the control of their rational over their people’s demands. A good number of India’s neo political activists and separatist groups are at a run in Bhutan’s jungles. Thimphu’s political opponents in exile are urging Delhi to change its side; to withdraw its existing support to the kings’ government and prop the struggle for people’s government in Bhutan. Instead, for a mutual hold on the power two governments are blind at the people’s concern.

Article 2 of Indo Bhutan Treaty 2007 mentions that “…. Neither Government shall allow the use of its territory for activities harmful to the national security and interest of the other”. This clause is abused to harass the political activists even when they are in other countries. India is expected to ask the new king to flush out the Indian separatist groups hiding in Bhutan, with an assurance in return to check the Bhutanese in exile from returning to Bhutan via India. This sinister ploy has have worked in the past.

Regarding the extradition of Bhutanese democratic leader and Thimphu’s head ache Rongthong Kuenley Dorji who is under house arrest in India for last 13 years, South bloc shall assure Bhutan that they’ll keep him confined and his voice silenced.

It may be noted that although the Bhutan has been declared democratic with a constitution, only the people from the earlier autocratic regime continue to exercise their rule. None of the present ministers or MPs had advocated a word for democracy, which the king was compelled to let under pressure from the people in exile and international community. Those who raised voice for democracy were banished from the country and were prohibited from taking part in inside- the- country activities, those who advocated for the autocratic royal system were let to continue their rule in the name of democracy.

Bussiness

On the business front, New Delhi shall ask Bhutan to use the Calcutta port to its fullest and reduce the reliance on Dhaka port in Bangladesh. It shall also aware the king on the possibilities of Chinese goods taking market in Bhutan and may suggest ways to mitigate it.

New Delhi may ask the king to be considerate if the Indian business community and Indians living in Bhutan decide to form an organization by name Non- Resident Indian (NRI) inside Bhutan. Bhutan is one of the three countries in the world where NRI does not exist. The other two countries are North Korea and Pakistan.

Bhutan’s hydro power shall remain a binding force between two parties. It is a source of royal income and royal happiness to Thimphu, and a source of energy to Delhi.

Roads and Airport

India had been skeptical in funding for an international airport in Gaylegphug and East west highway connecting Bhutan’s southern districts. Neither did it fund nor did it permit any donor to fund Bhutan’s national projects. The cause of India’s reluctance behind the international airport in Gaylegphug is that the true owners of the land were evicted and are now living in exile either in refugee camps in Nepal or in countries of Europe, America or Australia. India expects yet fears their return some day soon to put a claim on their land.

Regarding the road, when the people of the southern districts have to go to the next district they have to traverse via India. India is concerned about the networking and empowerment of the Southern Bhutanese people who were long deprived of their rights and freedom. Recently, Asian Development Bank granted US$36 million for the construction of roads joining southern districts. It shall also reduce the people’s interaction with the Indian people and their business.

Chief Guest

The Bhutan’s young monarch may ask a few astrologers to predict a gratifying date to visit India, how ever India may consider its republic day celebration appropriate for invitation and assignation. India has a tradition of inviting guests from neighboring states to grace republic day parade on January 26 every year. The political calendars show an overlap of events on the auspicious of Indian Republic Day 2010; the possibility of the new king of Bhutan gracing the parade as the chief guest as well as taking orientation classes in Delhi, signing various agreements and memorandum of understandings.

source: APFA news

Nepal finally waves away refugees

By Alexander Casella

After dragging on for close to 18 years - often in almost farcical fashion - at an estimated cost of some US$350 million, resolution of the Bhutan refugee crisis is at hand. This month, the first batch of 25,000 refugees left camps in seven United Nations-supervised camps in eastern Nepal, and the vast majority of the 86,000 remaining have signed up for resettlement in the West; most of them are heading for the United States.

The origin of the crisis, which has exposed bureaucratic bungling and nationalist fervor at their worst, lies not so much in Bhutan as in Sikkim, which provided a foreshadow of what could have been the fate of Bhutan.

With porous borders and a weak state apparatus, the diminutive kingdom of Sikkim had become a destination of choice for a creeping ongoing uncontrolled immigration from nearby Nepal. As



the Nepalese slowly increased in number they also brought with them the political factionalism and dissent that plagued their country of origin. By 1975, the local Sikimese Bhutia had become a minority in their own country and the level of political unrest had become such that New Delhi had to step in and annex Sikkim.

The lesson was not lost on the Bhutanese, who were also exposed to similar immigration pressure from Nepal and where government circles had come to the conclusion - a view shared by many Western specialist of the region - that Bhutan was destined for extinction if decisive measures were not taken to bring to a stop what had become a process of creeping demographic encroachment.

Thus, by the early 1980s, the government of Bhutan started to tighten rules regarding immigration. Likewise, residency requirements regarding the acquisition of citizenship, though still relatively liberal in comparison to those of many Western countries, were made more stringent. Admittance to government service was also restricted to nationals and the use of the national language, Dzongkha, was made mandatory for official business.

These measures were increasingly badly received by the immigrant community and with unrest spreading in southern Bhutan, where most of the newcomers had congregated, the authorities decided to resort to a more radical solution - the wholesale expulsion of immigrants. Thus, between the end of 1990 and 1992, some 100,000 illegal immigrants were expelled from Bhutan.

While there was considerable debate as regards the precise composition of the group, the fact that some 70,000 moved to Nepal, which had no common border with Bhutan as it is separated by a strip of land that is part of India, made a compelling case for them being of Nepali origin. As for the remaining 30,000, they moved to India, where they joined the some four million strong Nepalese community.

While the expulsions were at times brutal, for the half million indigenous inhabitants of Bhutan what was at stake was the cultural survival of the last Tantric Buddhist kingdom in the Himalayas.

Had events been permitted to run their course, the 70,000 who arrived in Nepal would have faded away and the impact of their arrival in a country of some 28.5 million inhabitants which, for all practical purposes was their own, would have passed unnoticed. That events took another turn was due to an odd set of circumstances, namely the failure of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the UN refugee agency, to properly address the Kurdish crisis in northern Iraq in 1991.

In the wake of the first Gulf War in 1991, the US government encouraged the Kurds in northern Iraq to revolt against Saddam Hussein. When, however, Saddam turned against the Kurds, Washington did not come to their help and the result was a massive population displacement which saw hundreds of thousands of Kurds seek refuge in areas in northern Iraq not under Saddam's control, while others sought refuge in Iran and Turkey.

The exodus caught the then-high commissioner for refugees, Madame Sadako Ogata, completely unprepared and exposed her to a wave of criticism both from Western governments and the non-governmental organization community.

To mitigate censure for her failure, Ogata created, within the UNHCR bureaucracy, a so-called Emergency Response Unit allegedly responsible for ensuring that the refugee agency be capable of responding at short notice to a sudden refugee crisis anywhere in the world.

However, with no further crises in sight but an unemployed emergency unit at hand, the UNHCR bureaucracy became a solution in search of a problem. That problem suddenly emerged in 1992, when the government of Nepal asked the UNHCR to take charge of the group expelled from Bhutan on the grounds that these were "refugees", that is, foreign nationals who had fled persecution in their country of origin.

Normally, the UNHCR, before intervening, would have undertaken a survey of the caseload to determine exactly their nationality and reasons for departure. Had this been undertaken, the inescapable conclusion would have been that the overwhelming majority were actually Nepalese and hence, by the fact that they were in their own country, did not qualifying for refugee status.

But Ogata did not run a tight shop and spurred by the urge to be perceived as active, the UNHCR opened seven camps without undertaking even a semblance of a survey of the arrivals. Over subsequent years, as the UNHCR kept on pouring money into the camps, Bhutan and Nepal embarked on a series of protracted and fruitless discussions as to how to deal with the group.

While Bhutan acknowledged that among the camp population there might be a few bona-fide Bhutanese citizens whom they could accept back, they where wary of exposing themselves to a massive return. Conversely, the Nepali authorities, already embroiled in a major internal crisis, were insisting on the wholesale return of the group. By then, the camps had become hotbeds of opposition to the Bhutanese government and were in part controlled by various Marxist groups, including some of Maoist extraction.

In 1996, a senior UNHCR official on a visit to Bhutan acknowledged that the UNHCR should never have opened the camps in the first place, with the extenuating explanation that the decision to do so derived from plain stupidity rather than evil intent. But Japanese Ogata was not one to acknowledge her mistakes, and though she visited Bhutan in November 2000, she remained impervious to any recommendations to close the camps.

By the time Ogata left the UNHCR in December 2000, the situation in the camps had undergone a thorough Palestinization and with Nepal dead-set against local integration schemes, no solution appeared in sight other than the prospect of an unending financing for the camps.

Within the UNHCR, it was not a situation with which the hardcore bureaucracy found fault. With the agency's existence justified by the existence of refugees, the incentive was in opening camps rather than closing them and the more refugees to care for so much the better. And when the beneficiaries were not exactly "refugees", the temptation to stretch the rules and thus increase the number of the organization's constituents proved irresistible.

It was only in 2004, with the nomination of a new director for Asia, that the UNHCR started to reconsider the issue. With neither repatriation nor local settlement in the cards, resettlement appeared as the only viable option. Thus, by 2006, following a Canadian initiative, the so-called "Core Group" of countries which had monitored the problem and that included Australia, Canada, Denmark, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway and the US, decided that they would all offer resettlement slots to the camp population. With the US ready to accept up to 70 000 and a resettlement rhythm of some 20,000 a year, it was estimated that in four to five years the problem could be solved and the camps closed.

The announcement of the resettlement scheme provoked a major outcry throughout the camps. Fearful of losing their captive constituencies, the various political factions active in the camps, such as the Bhutan Communist Party, the Bhutan Peoples' Party and the Democratic Socialists, supported by exiled movements, launched a massive campaign against resettlement. Riots erupted and in May 2007 three camp inhabitants who had volunteered for resettlement were killed. As for the Nepal government, for whom the camps represented a source of income, it was only after severe pressure from the "Core Group" that it agreed to deliver exit permits to those who had been accepted for resettlement.

While the resettlement selection process proved laborious for most of the camp inhabitants, the opportunity to move to a developed country finally proved irresistible. Thus, this December, the UNHCR announced that 25,000 refugees had signed up for resettlement in the West. The Nepal office of the UNHCR said the US had so far accepted the largest number, 22,060, followed by Australia (1,006), Canada (892), Norway (316), Denmark (305), New Zealand (299) and the Netherlands (122).

With the trend towards resettlement now irreversible, it is only a matter of time before the Bhutan "refugee" issue is brought to its final conclusion.


Source: Asia Times