Delhi Calls Bhutan King for an Orientation
17 December 2009
By Govinda Rizal
The Fifth Monarch Jigme Kesar Namgyal Wangcghuck is called to India to ensure that every step in Thimphu is in tune with trumpet played from New Delhi. Two year after the revision of Indo Bhutan Treaty 1949, a year after the enthronement of the king, the declaration of a royal democracy, election in Bhutan and comeback of the Congress (I) with a majority in the Delhi, South block wants to ensure that Bhutan is still in its cocoon.
Until 2007, Bhutan was virtually an Indian protectorate state with Indo- Bhutan Treaty 1949 holding Bhutan’s foreign affairs under its surveillance. The 1949 treaty was rephrased into Indo Bhutan Treaty 2007 and signed on February 8 by Indian Foreign Affairs Minister Pranab Mukharjee and then Crown Prince Jigme Khesar Namgyal Wangchuck. The amendment particularly promoted Bhutan to take independent decision over her foreign affairs.
Junior Jigme: Jigme Khesar
Soon after Bhutan’s independence in the treaty, the People’s Republic of China and United States of America expressed their necessities for establishing their embassies in Bhutan. Now Bhutan is under decision time to say “Yes” or “No” to China and USA. Bhutan’s “Yes” to either or both the countries shall give an unexpected fever to India, and her “No” a source of continuous pressure on herself.
Territory and terrorism
India is worried about the Bhutan’s exchange of land with china in its north and west, the land that has strategic advantage for all the three countries. Bhutan shares 470-kilometer long partially demarcated border with China. China wanted a direct diplomatic relationship with Bhutan for all issues. China wanted to give Bhutan 495 square kilometers area of land in exchange for an area of 269 square kilometers of land of Sinchulumba from Bhutan’s North West. Sinchulumba is in militarily strategic position that touches the border with Sikkim and is very close to Chumbi valley. Both Bhutan and China had agreed to talk further, which has worried India.
Both the governments in New Delhi and Thimphu have lost the control of their rational over their people’s demands. A good number of India’s neo political activists and separatist groups are at a run in Bhutan’s jungles. Thimphu’s political opponents in exile are urging Delhi to change its side; to withdraw its existing support to the kings’ government and prop the struggle for people’s government in Bhutan. Instead, for a mutual hold on the power two governments are blind at the people’s concern.
Article 2 of Indo Bhutan Treaty 2007 mentions that “…. Neither Government shall allow the use of its territory for activities harmful to the national security and interest of the other”. This clause is abused to harass the political activists even when they are in other countries. India is expected to ask the new king to flush out the Indian separatist groups hiding in Bhutan, with an assurance in return to check the Bhutanese in exile from returning to Bhutan via India. This sinister ploy has have worked in the past.
Regarding the extradition of Bhutanese democratic leader and Thimphu’s head ache Rongthong Kuenley Dorji who is under house arrest in India for last 13 years, South bloc shall assure Bhutan that they’ll keep him confined and his voice silenced.
It may be noted that although the Bhutan has been declared democratic with a constitution, only the people from the earlier autocratic regime continue to exercise their rule. None of the present ministers or MPs had advocated a word for democracy, which the king was compelled to let under pressure from the people in exile and international community. Those who raised voice for democracy were banished from the country and were prohibited from taking part in inside- the- country activities, those who advocated for the autocratic royal system were let to continue their rule in the name of democracy.
Bussiness
On the business front, New Delhi shall ask Bhutan to use the Calcutta port to its fullest and reduce the reliance on Dhaka port in Bangladesh. It shall also aware the king on the possibilities of Chinese goods taking market in Bhutan and may suggest ways to mitigate it.
New Delhi may ask the king to be considerate if the Indian business community and Indians living in Bhutan decide to form an organization by name Non- Resident Indian (NRI) inside Bhutan. Bhutan is one of the three countries in the world where NRI does not exist. The other two countries are North Korea and Pakistan.
Bhutan’s hydro power shall remain a binding force between two parties. It is a source of royal income and royal happiness to Thimphu, and a source of energy to Delhi.
Roads and Airport
India had been skeptical in funding for an international airport in Gaylegphug and East west highway connecting Bhutan’s southern districts. Neither did it fund nor did it permit any donor to fund Bhutan’s national projects. The cause of India’s reluctance behind the international airport in Gaylegphug is that the true owners of the land were evicted and are now living in exile either in refugee camps in Nepal or in countries of Europe, America or Australia. India expects yet fears their return some day soon to put a claim on their land.
Regarding the road, when the people of the southern districts have to go to the next district they have to traverse via India. India is concerned about the networking and empowerment of the Southern Bhutanese people who were long deprived of their rights and freedom. Recently, Asian Development Bank granted US$36 million for the construction of roads joining southern districts. It shall also reduce the people’s interaction with the Indian people and their business.
Chief Guest
The Bhutan’s young monarch may ask a few astrologers to predict a gratifying date to visit India, how ever India may consider its republic day celebration appropriate for invitation and assignation. India has a tradition of inviting guests from neighboring states to grace republic day parade on January 26 every year. The political calendars show an overlap of events on the auspicious of Indian Republic Day 2010; the possibility of the new king of Bhutan gracing the parade as the chief guest as well as taking orientation classes in Delhi, signing various agreements and memorandum of understandings.
source: APFA news
Thursday, 17 December 2009
Monday, 14 December 2009
Nepal finally waves away refugees
By Alexander Casella
After dragging on for close to 18 years - often in almost farcical fashion - at an estimated cost of some US$350 million, resolution of the Bhutan refugee crisis is at hand. This month, the first batch of 25,000 refugees left camps in seven United Nations-supervised camps in eastern Nepal, and the vast majority of the 86,000 remaining have signed up for resettlement in the West; most of them are heading for the United States.
The origin of the crisis, which has exposed bureaucratic bungling and nationalist fervor at their worst, lies not so much in Bhutan as in Sikkim, which provided a foreshadow of what could have been the fate of Bhutan.
With porous borders and a weak state apparatus, the diminutive kingdom of Sikkim had become a destination of choice for a creeping ongoing uncontrolled immigration from nearby Nepal. As
the Nepalese slowly increased in number they also brought with them the political factionalism and dissent that plagued their country of origin. By 1975, the local Sikimese Bhutia had become a minority in their own country and the level of political unrest had become such that New Delhi had to step in and annex Sikkim.
The lesson was not lost on the Bhutanese, who were also exposed to similar immigration pressure from Nepal and where government circles had come to the conclusion - a view shared by many Western specialist of the region - that Bhutan was destined for extinction if decisive measures were not taken to bring to a stop what had become a process of creeping demographic encroachment.
Thus, by the early 1980s, the government of Bhutan started to tighten rules regarding immigration. Likewise, residency requirements regarding the acquisition of citizenship, though still relatively liberal in comparison to those of many Western countries, were made more stringent. Admittance to government service was also restricted to nationals and the use of the national language, Dzongkha, was made mandatory for official business.
These measures were increasingly badly received by the immigrant community and with unrest spreading in southern Bhutan, where most of the newcomers had congregated, the authorities decided to resort to a more radical solution - the wholesale expulsion of immigrants. Thus, between the end of 1990 and 1992, some 100,000 illegal immigrants were expelled from Bhutan.
While there was considerable debate as regards the precise composition of the group, the fact that some 70,000 moved to Nepal, which had no common border with Bhutan as it is separated by a strip of land that is part of India, made a compelling case for them being of Nepali origin. As for the remaining 30,000, they moved to India, where they joined the some four million strong Nepalese community.
While the expulsions were at times brutal, for the half million indigenous inhabitants of Bhutan what was at stake was the cultural survival of the last Tantric Buddhist kingdom in the Himalayas.
Had events been permitted to run their course, the 70,000 who arrived in Nepal would have faded away and the impact of their arrival in a country of some 28.5 million inhabitants which, for all practical purposes was their own, would have passed unnoticed. That events took another turn was due to an odd set of circumstances, namely the failure of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the UN refugee agency, to properly address the Kurdish crisis in northern Iraq in 1991.
In the wake of the first Gulf War in 1991, the US government encouraged the Kurds in northern Iraq to revolt against Saddam Hussein. When, however, Saddam turned against the Kurds, Washington did not come to their help and the result was a massive population displacement which saw hundreds of thousands of Kurds seek refuge in areas in northern Iraq not under Saddam's control, while others sought refuge in Iran and Turkey.
The exodus caught the then-high commissioner for refugees, Madame Sadako Ogata, completely unprepared and exposed her to a wave of criticism both from Western governments and the non-governmental organization community.
To mitigate censure for her failure, Ogata created, within the UNHCR bureaucracy, a so-called Emergency Response Unit allegedly responsible for ensuring that the refugee agency be capable of responding at short notice to a sudden refugee crisis anywhere in the world.
However, with no further crises in sight but an unemployed emergency unit at hand, the UNHCR bureaucracy became a solution in search of a problem. That problem suddenly emerged in 1992, when the government of Nepal asked the UNHCR to take charge of the group expelled from Bhutan on the grounds that these were "refugees", that is, foreign nationals who had fled persecution in their country of origin.
Normally, the UNHCR, before intervening, would have undertaken a survey of the caseload to determine exactly their nationality and reasons for departure. Had this been undertaken, the inescapable conclusion would have been that the overwhelming majority were actually Nepalese and hence, by the fact that they were in their own country, did not qualifying for refugee status.
But Ogata did not run a tight shop and spurred by the urge to be perceived as active, the UNHCR opened seven camps without undertaking even a semblance of a survey of the arrivals. Over subsequent years, as the UNHCR kept on pouring money into the camps, Bhutan and Nepal embarked on a series of protracted and fruitless discussions as to how to deal with the group.
While Bhutan acknowledged that among the camp population there might be a few bona-fide Bhutanese citizens whom they could accept back, they where wary of exposing themselves to a massive return. Conversely, the Nepali authorities, already embroiled in a major internal crisis, were insisting on the wholesale return of the group. By then, the camps had become hotbeds of opposition to the Bhutanese government and were in part controlled by various Marxist groups, including some of Maoist extraction.
In 1996, a senior UNHCR official on a visit to Bhutan acknowledged that the UNHCR should never have opened the camps in the first place, with the extenuating explanation that the decision to do so derived from plain stupidity rather than evil intent. But Japanese Ogata was not one to acknowledge her mistakes, and though she visited Bhutan in November 2000, she remained impervious to any recommendations to close the camps.
By the time Ogata left the UNHCR in December 2000, the situation in the camps had undergone a thorough Palestinization and with Nepal dead-set against local integration schemes, no solution appeared in sight other than the prospect of an unending financing for the camps.
Within the UNHCR, it was not a situation with which the hardcore bureaucracy found fault. With the agency's existence justified by the existence of refugees, the incentive was in opening camps rather than closing them and the more refugees to care for so much the better. And when the beneficiaries were not exactly "refugees", the temptation to stretch the rules and thus increase the number of the organization's constituents proved irresistible.
It was only in 2004, with the nomination of a new director for Asia, that the UNHCR started to reconsider the issue. With neither repatriation nor local settlement in the cards, resettlement appeared as the only viable option. Thus, by 2006, following a Canadian initiative, the so-called "Core Group" of countries which had monitored the problem and that included Australia, Canada, Denmark, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway and the US, decided that they would all offer resettlement slots to the camp population. With the US ready to accept up to 70 000 and a resettlement rhythm of some 20,000 a year, it was estimated that in four to five years the problem could be solved and the camps closed.
The announcement of the resettlement scheme provoked a major outcry throughout the camps. Fearful of losing their captive constituencies, the various political factions active in the camps, such as the Bhutan Communist Party, the Bhutan Peoples' Party and the Democratic Socialists, supported by exiled movements, launched a massive campaign against resettlement. Riots erupted and in May 2007 three camp inhabitants who had volunteered for resettlement were killed. As for the Nepal government, for whom the camps represented a source of income, it was only after severe pressure from the "Core Group" that it agreed to deliver exit permits to those who had been accepted for resettlement.
While the resettlement selection process proved laborious for most of the camp inhabitants, the opportunity to move to a developed country finally proved irresistible. Thus, this December, the UNHCR announced that 25,000 refugees had signed up for resettlement in the West. The Nepal office of the UNHCR said the US had so far accepted the largest number, 22,060, followed by Australia (1,006), Canada (892), Norway (316), Denmark (305), New Zealand (299) and the Netherlands (122).
With the trend towards resettlement now irreversible, it is only a matter of time before the Bhutan "refugee" issue is brought to its final conclusion.
Source: Asia Times
By Alexander Casella
After dragging on for close to 18 years - often in almost farcical fashion - at an estimated cost of some US$350 million, resolution of the Bhutan refugee crisis is at hand. This month, the first batch of 25,000 refugees left camps in seven United Nations-supervised camps in eastern Nepal, and the vast majority of the 86,000 remaining have signed up for resettlement in the West; most of them are heading for the United States.
The origin of the crisis, which has exposed bureaucratic bungling and nationalist fervor at their worst, lies not so much in Bhutan as in Sikkim, which provided a foreshadow of what could have been the fate of Bhutan.
With porous borders and a weak state apparatus, the diminutive kingdom of Sikkim had become a destination of choice for a creeping ongoing uncontrolled immigration from nearby Nepal. As
the Nepalese slowly increased in number they also brought with them the political factionalism and dissent that plagued their country of origin. By 1975, the local Sikimese Bhutia had become a minority in their own country and the level of political unrest had become such that New Delhi had to step in and annex Sikkim.
The lesson was not lost on the Bhutanese, who were also exposed to similar immigration pressure from Nepal and where government circles had come to the conclusion - a view shared by many Western specialist of the region - that Bhutan was destined for extinction if decisive measures were not taken to bring to a stop what had become a process of creeping demographic encroachment.
Thus, by the early 1980s, the government of Bhutan started to tighten rules regarding immigration. Likewise, residency requirements regarding the acquisition of citizenship, though still relatively liberal in comparison to those of many Western countries, were made more stringent. Admittance to government service was also restricted to nationals and the use of the national language, Dzongkha, was made mandatory for official business.
These measures were increasingly badly received by the immigrant community and with unrest spreading in southern Bhutan, where most of the newcomers had congregated, the authorities decided to resort to a more radical solution - the wholesale expulsion of immigrants. Thus, between the end of 1990 and 1992, some 100,000 illegal immigrants were expelled from Bhutan.
While there was considerable debate as regards the precise composition of the group, the fact that some 70,000 moved to Nepal, which had no common border with Bhutan as it is separated by a strip of land that is part of India, made a compelling case for them being of Nepali origin. As for the remaining 30,000, they moved to India, where they joined the some four million strong Nepalese community.
While the expulsions were at times brutal, for the half million indigenous inhabitants of Bhutan what was at stake was the cultural survival of the last Tantric Buddhist kingdom in the Himalayas.
Had events been permitted to run their course, the 70,000 who arrived in Nepal would have faded away and the impact of their arrival in a country of some 28.5 million inhabitants which, for all practical purposes was their own, would have passed unnoticed. That events took another turn was due to an odd set of circumstances, namely the failure of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the UN refugee agency, to properly address the Kurdish crisis in northern Iraq in 1991.
In the wake of the first Gulf War in 1991, the US government encouraged the Kurds in northern Iraq to revolt against Saddam Hussein. When, however, Saddam turned against the Kurds, Washington did not come to their help and the result was a massive population displacement which saw hundreds of thousands of Kurds seek refuge in areas in northern Iraq not under Saddam's control, while others sought refuge in Iran and Turkey.
The exodus caught the then-high commissioner for refugees, Madame Sadako Ogata, completely unprepared and exposed her to a wave of criticism both from Western governments and the non-governmental organization community.
To mitigate censure for her failure, Ogata created, within the UNHCR bureaucracy, a so-called Emergency Response Unit allegedly responsible for ensuring that the refugee agency be capable of responding at short notice to a sudden refugee crisis anywhere in the world.
However, with no further crises in sight but an unemployed emergency unit at hand, the UNHCR bureaucracy became a solution in search of a problem. That problem suddenly emerged in 1992, when the government of Nepal asked the UNHCR to take charge of the group expelled from Bhutan on the grounds that these were "refugees", that is, foreign nationals who had fled persecution in their country of origin.
Normally, the UNHCR, before intervening, would have undertaken a survey of the caseload to determine exactly their nationality and reasons for departure. Had this been undertaken, the inescapable conclusion would have been that the overwhelming majority were actually Nepalese and hence, by the fact that they were in their own country, did not qualifying for refugee status.
But Ogata did not run a tight shop and spurred by the urge to be perceived as active, the UNHCR opened seven camps without undertaking even a semblance of a survey of the arrivals. Over subsequent years, as the UNHCR kept on pouring money into the camps, Bhutan and Nepal embarked on a series of protracted and fruitless discussions as to how to deal with the group.
While Bhutan acknowledged that among the camp population there might be a few bona-fide Bhutanese citizens whom they could accept back, they where wary of exposing themselves to a massive return. Conversely, the Nepali authorities, already embroiled in a major internal crisis, were insisting on the wholesale return of the group. By then, the camps had become hotbeds of opposition to the Bhutanese government and were in part controlled by various Marxist groups, including some of Maoist extraction.
In 1996, a senior UNHCR official on a visit to Bhutan acknowledged that the UNHCR should never have opened the camps in the first place, with the extenuating explanation that the decision to do so derived from plain stupidity rather than evil intent. But Japanese Ogata was not one to acknowledge her mistakes, and though she visited Bhutan in November 2000, she remained impervious to any recommendations to close the camps.
By the time Ogata left the UNHCR in December 2000, the situation in the camps had undergone a thorough Palestinization and with Nepal dead-set against local integration schemes, no solution appeared in sight other than the prospect of an unending financing for the camps.
Within the UNHCR, it was not a situation with which the hardcore bureaucracy found fault. With the agency's existence justified by the existence of refugees, the incentive was in opening camps rather than closing them and the more refugees to care for so much the better. And when the beneficiaries were not exactly "refugees", the temptation to stretch the rules and thus increase the number of the organization's constituents proved irresistible.
It was only in 2004, with the nomination of a new director for Asia, that the UNHCR started to reconsider the issue. With neither repatriation nor local settlement in the cards, resettlement appeared as the only viable option. Thus, by 2006, following a Canadian initiative, the so-called "Core Group" of countries which had monitored the problem and that included Australia, Canada, Denmark, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway and the US, decided that they would all offer resettlement slots to the camp population. With the US ready to accept up to 70 000 and a resettlement rhythm of some 20,000 a year, it was estimated that in four to five years the problem could be solved and the camps closed.
The announcement of the resettlement scheme provoked a major outcry throughout the camps. Fearful of losing their captive constituencies, the various political factions active in the camps, such as the Bhutan Communist Party, the Bhutan Peoples' Party and the Democratic Socialists, supported by exiled movements, launched a massive campaign against resettlement. Riots erupted and in May 2007 three camp inhabitants who had volunteered for resettlement were killed. As for the Nepal government, for whom the camps represented a source of income, it was only after severe pressure from the "Core Group" that it agreed to deliver exit permits to those who had been accepted for resettlement.
While the resettlement selection process proved laborious for most of the camp inhabitants, the opportunity to move to a developed country finally proved irresistible. Thus, this December, the UNHCR announced that 25,000 refugees had signed up for resettlement in the West. The Nepal office of the UNHCR said the US had so far accepted the largest number, 22,060, followed by Australia (1,006), Canada (892), Norway (316), Denmark (305), New Zealand (299) and the Netherlands (122).
With the trend towards resettlement now irreversible, it is only a matter of time before the Bhutan "refugee" issue is brought to its final conclusion.
Source: Asia Times
Saturday, 12 December 2009
ESSAY: HISTORY OF SIKKIM AND MAGAR
BY DR. GOVIND P. THAPA
Sikkim was inhabited in pre-historic times by three tribes namely Naong, Chang and the Mon. The Lepcha who entered Sikkim sometimes later absorbed them completely. The origin of Lepchas is shrouded in mistery but it seems that they belonged to the clan of the Nagas of the Mikir, Garo and Khasia hills which lie to the south of the Bramaputra valley. Some believe they came from somewhere on the borders of Tibet and Burma. According to their own tradition they came to Sikkim from the east in company with Jindaxs, who went to Nepal and shared their tradition. The Lepchas were a very peace loving people, deeply religious and shy, which characteristics they still have retained. They were in fact the children of nature, and worshipped nature or spirits of nature. These Lepcha lived quite close to the nature by way of leading sustenance. Some of them practiced shifting cultivation and raised grains like maize and millets. They led a tribal life at the beck and call of their tribal leader.
The credit of organizing them into some sort of a society goes to a person called Tur ve pa no. He was eventually elected leader of king called “Punu” sometimes in A. D. 1400. He was killed in a battle and was succeeded by three Kings – Tur Song Pa No, Tur Aeng Pa No and Tur Alu Pa No. The monarchy came to an end with the death of the last king. The Lepchas now resorted to the practice of electing a leader whose advice and counsel was sought on crucial matters and followed. The Tibetan migration in early 17th century led the Rongs to shift their habitats so as to avoid conflict. Meanwhile the struggle and conflicts among the followers of the “Yellow hats” and the “Red hats” in Tibet forced the latter to seek refuge in Sikkim, where they attained the status of aristocracy. Being aggressive they occupied lands, which was not registered by the docile Lepchas. These Tibetan migrants (the Bhutias as they came to be known) who were followers of the sect of ‘Red Hats’ now tried to convert these Sikkimese “Worshippers of nature” to Buddhism. They succeeded to some extent, though the Lepchas tried to keep themselves aloof as far as possible. In order to avoid any possible opposition from the Lepchas, these immigrants now chose one venerable person Phuntsok Namgyal as the temporal and spiritual leader of Sikkim, whose ancestry they traced from a legendary prince, who founded the Kingdom of Minvang in eastern Tibet in 9th century A.D. This dynasty ruled in the Chumbi and Teesta valley for a long time.
Somewhere in the Thirteenth century a prince named Guru Tashi of Minyang dynasty in Tibethad a divine vision that he should go south to seek his fortune in “Denzong- the valley of rice”. As directed by the divine vision he along with his family, which included five sons, headed in the southern direction. The family during their wandering came across the Sakya Kingdom in which a monastery was being built at that time. The workers had not been successful in erecting pillars for the monastery. The elder son of Guru Tashi raised the pillar single handedly and thereby came to be known as “Kheye Bumsa” meaning the superior of ten thousand heroes.
The Sakya King offered his daughter in marriage to Khye Bumsa. Guru Tashi subsequently died and Khye Bumsa settled in Chumbi Valley and it was here that he established contacts with the Lepcha Chieftain Thekong Tek in Gangtok. Khye Bumsa being issueless went to Sikkim in the 13th century to seek the blessing of Thekong Tek who was also a religious leader. Khye Bumsa was not only blessed with three sons by the Rong chief but he also prophesied that his successors would be the rulers of Sikkim. Out of gratitude Khye Bumsa visited Thekong Tek a number of times. In due course of times the relationship ultimately culminated in a treaty of brotherhood between the two Chieftains at a place called Kabi Longtsok. This treaty brought about new ties of brotherhood between the Lepchas and the Bhutias.
Mipon Rab the third son of Khye Bumsa assumed the Chief-Ship after the death of his father. He had sons and the four principal clans of Sikkim are said to have sprung from these four sons. The fourth son Guru Tashi succeeded Mipon Rab and shifted to Gangtok. On the other hand after the death of Thekong Tek the Lepchas broke into minor clans. They also gradually turned to Guru Tashifor protection and leadership. Guru Tashi appointed a Lepcha, Sambre as his chief adviser and lieutenant. Guru Tashi’s rule marked the absorption of the foreign ruling house into the native soil and also paved a way for a regular monarchy. This way Guru Tashi became the first ruler of Sikkim and was crowned as such. He was followed by Jowo Nagpo, Jowo Apha and Guru Tenzing who pursued the policy creating progressively amicable relation with Lepchas.
Phuntsok (or penchu) Namgyal was the next ruler. He was Guru Tenzing’s son (great grandson of Guru Tashi) and was born in 1604. Phuntsok Namgyal’s crowning was charged with all the vivid fantacy and miraculous phenomenon that is befitting to so important an occasion. Three venerable lamas are said to have entered sikkim from three different direction direction at the same time. They met at Yoksam (meaning three wise men) and began a debate on the desirability of having a temporal and religious head to rule over pagan Sikkim. Two of the lamas furthered their own claims but the third lama reminded them of the prophecy of Guru Padamsambhava that a man coming from east and Phuntsok by name would rule Sikkim. It was also told that none of them came from east hence the real man must be looked for. Messengers were sent to seek Phuntsok. Near Gangtok the desired youngman was found and lamas lost no time in crowning him the king. They seated him on a nearby rock slab and sprinkled water on him from the sacred urn. He was given one of Lhatsun Chenpo’s (the lama told about prophecy) names, Namgyal, and the title of Chogyal or religious king. It happened in the year 1642. The Namgyal dynasty ruled over Sikkim as hereditary kings for about 332 years.
Phuntsok Namgyal, the first consecrated ruler ruled over a vast territory, many times the size of present Sikkim. His kingdom touched Thang La in the Tibet in the north, Tagong La near Paro in Bhutan in the east and the Titalia on the borders of West Bengal and Bihar in the south. The western border Timar Chorten on the Timar river in Nepal. Phuntsok though a distant descendant of Indrabodhi was now a Bhutia by his domicile. He was persuaded by the lamas enthroning him as Chogyal (Heavenly king or king who rules with righteousness) to seek recognition from Dalai Lama of Tibet. The Dalai Lama recognized Phuntsok Namgyal as the ruler of the southern slopes of the Himalayas (Sikkim) and is also credited to have sent ceremonial present such as the silken scarf bearing Dalai Lama’s seal, the mitre(hat) of the Guru Rimpoche, the devil dagger (Phurpa) and the most precious sand image of the Guru. Consequently, the newly established Bhutia principality of Namgyal Dynasty was tied to Tibetan theocracy. Since then up to 19th century, the Bhutia rulers of Sikkim looked up to Tibet for protection against political foes. Phuntsok Namgyal proved to be an efficient and capable administrator. He divided his kingdom into twelve Dzongs i.e. districts and appointed Dzongpana i.e. governor for each. He also declared Mahayana Buddhism as the state religion, which continued to be the state religion under all the Namgyal rulers. He very tactfully kept the lepchas, Bhutias and Limbus together. The Governors were appointed from the lepchas who were then in majority. Since Yatung the greatest commercial Tibetan center being nearer to Gangtok posed some danger, he shifted his capital to Yoksom.
Phunstok Namgyal and the three saints immediately got to the task of successfully bringing the Lepcha tribes under the Buddhist fold. Politically, sikkim expanded its borders, which include Chumbi valley, the present Darjeeling district and a part of present-day Nepal and Bhutan. The capital of sikkim was established in Yoksam itself.
Tensung Namgyal succeded his father Phuntsok Namgyal in 1670 and moved his capital to Rabdentse. He had three wives – a Tibetan, a Bhutanese and Limbu girl. The latter was the daughter of the Limbu chief Yo Yo-Hang. The chief’s daughter brought with her seven girls who were later on married into important families of Sikkim. Many of them rose to the rank of councilors to the King. These councilors later on came to be known as Kazis who enjoyed immense power and privileges.
Chador Namgyal a minor son from Tensung’s second wife succeeded on the death of his father. Pedi the daughter from the first wife who came from Bhutan challenged the succession and invited Bhutanese intervention. Having come to know about this secret move Yungthing Yeshe a loyal minister took the minor king to Lhasa. During his asylum in Lhasa, Chador Namgyal distinguished himself in Buddhist learning and Tibetan literature. By dint of his acumen and scholarship he rose to the position of state astrologer to the Sixth Dalai Lama. The Dalai Lama was so much pleased with the erudition of this young scholar that he bestowed high honors and titles on the young king. The young king also received an estate in central Tibet with sovereign rights. On the other hand Bhutanese forces had captured the Rabdentse palace and imprisoned the son of Yugthing Yeshe. But on the intervention of Tibet, King Deb of Bhutan withdrew. Chador Namgyal came back and drove out the rest of Bhutanese forces. The south-eastern tract was, however, lost to sikkim as it had been heavily colonized by then. The Bhutanese after a short while made a second attempt to capture Sikkim territory. Chador Namgyal gave a tough resistance but areas now called as Kalimpong and Rhenock were lost forever. Chador was himself religious and took steps for the propagation of Buddhist religion in his territory. He commanded that the second of every three sons of Bhutia family must be ordained a monk of the Pemiongchi Monastery, which was also open to the Tsongs. He not only built the Guru Lhakhang Tashiding (1715) and patronised the sacred places but also adapted the religious dances (mystery plays) to keep alive the martial and native traditions and invented an alphabet for the Lepchas. However, Pedi the half sister of the ruler did not reconcile. She conspired with a Tibetan man of medicine and caused Chador Namgyal’s death by way of blood letting from a main artery while the king was holidaying at Ralang hot water spring in 1716. A force was sent to Namchi, the doctor was executed and Pedi was strangled to death by a silk scarf.
Gyurmed Namgyal succeeded his father Chador. Consequently upon a Mongol (Dzungar) invasion on Tibet to persecute Nyingma sect, the Mindoling Abbot’s sister. In his times the people were forced to work on the fortification of Rabdentse in the fear of Gurkhas and Bhutanese raids. Many Tsongs who were not prepared to yield to forced labour fled to Limbuana, which became a rebel district and broke away from Sikkim even earlier to Gurkha expansion. A boundary dispute with Bhutan also arose. The Magar Chieftain Tashi Bidur also revolted, though he was subdued. Limbuana was, however, lost to Nepal. Gyurmed had no issue but while on his death bed at the age of 26 (1733) gave out that a nun in Sanga Choling was carrying his child. But some people do not believe it. It is said, he was impotent and generally shunned his wife.
Therefore, the story goes that in order to keep the Namgyal Dynasty going, the lama priest of Sikkim concocted a story that a nun was carrying the child of the King. Fortunately the nun delivered a male child and he was accepted as heir to Gyurmed. He was named as Phuntsok after the first temporal and the spiritual head of Sikkim.
Phuntsok Namgyal II was opposed by many people including some Bhutias on the plea of illegitimacy. Tamdang a close confident and treasurer of Gyurmed not only opposed the succession but assured the powers of the ruler and continued to rule Sikkim for three years inspite of the opposition by pro-king faction. The Lepchas backed the baby king and fought the pretender under the leadership of Chandzod Karwang. Tamdang was defeated and fled to Tibet to seek guidance and help. But to keep Sikkim under their Tutelage the Tibetan authorities favoured the minority of the king. A convention representing all shades of Sikkimese population was held which defined the functions, powers and responsibilities of the Government. The system of annual taxation was also introduced to augment the state treasury. The Magar tribe, lost its chieftain during this time and asked the regent to appoint the deceased’s son as chieftain. But the regent expressed his inability to comply with their demand. This act enraged the Magars who sought the help and protection from Bhutan. This way Sikkim lost Magars allegiance forever. In the year 1752 the Tsongs rose in arms, but were subdued and won over by tactfully by Chandzod Karwang. The rise of Gurkhas also posed a threat for Sikkim. The later years of Phuntsok II witnessed Gurkhas inroads in Sikkim under the leadership of Raja Prithvi Narayan Shah of Nepal who formented the rebellious elements in Sikkim. Bhutan also invaded Sikkim and captured all area east of Tista, but withdrew to present frontiers after negotiation at Rhenock. The Gurkha inroads were beaten back seventeen times. A peace treaty with Nepal was signed in 1775, and Gurkhas promised to abstain from further attacks and collaboration with Bhutanese. But the Gurkhas at a later stage violated the treaty and occupied the land in western Sikkim. Phuntsok II had three queens but had a son Tenzing Namgyal from his second queen in 1769.
Tenzing Namgyal succeeded Phuntsok Namgyal in 1780. During the reign of Tenzing Namgyal, Nepali forces occupied large chunks of Sikkim territory. They attacked Rabdantse and the Chogyal had to flee to Tibet. The Nepalis excursions emboldened them to penetrate even into Tibet. This led to the Chinese intervention and Nepal was defeated. In the Sino-Nepal treaty, Sikkim lost some of its land to Nepal, but monarchy was allowed to be restored in the country. Tenzing Namgyal died in Lhasa and his son Tsudphud Namgyal was sent to Sikkim in 1793 to succeed him as the monarch. Rabdantse was now, considered too insecure because of its proximity to the Nepal border and Tshudphund Namgyal shifted the capital to a place called Tumlong.
The defeat of Nepal by the Chinese did little to weaken the expansionist designs of the Nepalese. They continued to make attacks into the neighbouring British territories and Sikkim. British India successfully befriended Sikkim. They felt that by doing so the expanding powers of the Gorkhas would be curtailed. British also looked forward to establishing trade link with Tibet and it was felt that the route through Sikkim was the most feasible one. War between Nepal and British India broke out in 1814 and came to an end in 1816 with the defeat of the Nepalis and the subsequent signing of the Treaty of Sugauli. As a direct spin-off, British India signed another treaty with Sikkim in 1817 known as the Treaty of Titalia in which former territories, which the Nepalis captured, were restored to Sikkim. H. H. Risley writes in the Gazette of Sikkim, 1894, that by the Treaty of Titalia British India has assumed the position of Lord’s paramount of Sikkim and a title to exercise a predominant influence in that State has remained undisputed.
The British became interested in Darjeeling both as a hill resort and an outpost from where Tibet and Sikkim would be easily accessible. Following a lot of pressure from the British, Sikkim finally gifted Darjeeling to British India on the understanding that a certain amount would be paid as annual subsidy to Sikkim. The gift deed was signed by the Chogyal Tsudphud Namgyal in 1835. The British appointed a superintendent in the ceded territory. The British however did not pay the compensation as had been stipulated and this led to a quick deterioration of relation between the two countries. There were also difference between the British Government and Sikkim over the status of people of Sikkim. Because of the increased importance of Darjeeling, many citizens of Sikkim mostly of the labor class started to settle there as British subjects. The migration disturbed the feudal lords in Sikkim who resorted to forcibly getting the migrants back to Sikkim. This annoyed the British Government, which considered these as acts of kidnapping of British citizens. The relations deteriorated to such an extent that when Dr. Campbell, the Superintendent of Darjeeling and Dr. Hooker visited Sikkim in connection with the latter’s botanical research, they were captured and imprisoned in 1849. The British issued an ultimatum and the two captives were released after a month of detention. In February 1850, an expedition was sent to Sikkim, which resulted in the stoppage of the annual grant of Rs. 6000/- to the Maharaja of Sikkim and also the annexation of Darjeeling and a great portion of Sikkim to British India.
Sikkim resorted to making attacks into British territories and it was in November 1860 that the British sent an expeditionary force to Sikkim. This force was driven back from Rinchenpong in Sikkim. A stronger force was sent in 1861 that resulted in the capture of the capital Tumlong and the signing of a Treaty between the British and Sikkimese the same year.
His son Sidekeong Namgyal succeeded Tsugphud Namgyal in 1863. The British Government started the payment of annual subsidy of Rs. 6000/- in 1850 for Darjeeling. In an attempt to keep good relation with Sikkim, the British enhanced the subsidy to Rs. 12000/- per annum.
Chogyal Sidekong Namgyal defied in 1874 issueless and was succeeded by his half brother Thutob Namgyal. There were serious difference between the Nepalese settlers and the original inhabitants of Sikkim and this led to British intervention. The settlement went in favour of the Nepali settlers and made Thutob Namgyal have ill feeling for the British. He retreated to Chumbi and became more aligned towards the Tibetans.
The British meanwhile were making concerted efforts to establish a trade links with Tibet and also imposed their influence. A delegation led by Colman Macaulay, Financial Secretary to the Bengal Government of British India was sent to Sikkim in 1884 to explore the possibility of establishing a trade route with Tibet through the Lachen Valley. This delegation visited Tumlong the capital where it met the Maharaja.
The Britishers started building of roads in Sikkim. This was viewed with suspicion by Tibet and in 1886, some Tibetan militia occupied Lingtu in sikkim near Jelepla pass. In May 1888, the Tibetans attacked Gnathang below Jelepla but were driven away. In September of the same year the British called for reinforcements and the Tibetans were pushed back from Lingtu. A memorial was built at Gnathang for the few British soldiers who died in the engagement.
The Britishers appointed Claude White as the first political officer in Sikkim in 1889 and Chogyal Thutob Namgyal was virtually under his supervision. Thutob Namgyal shifted the
capital from Tumlong to Gangtok in 1894. The Sir Thutob Namgyal Memorial (STNM) Hospital built in 1917 is named in the memory of Thutob Namgyal who died in 1914.
Alarmed by the growing Russian influence in Tibet and also to assert itself, the British sent an expedition led by Col. Younghusband to Lhasa via Jelepla in 1904. The expedition met with resistance from the Tibetan army, which was defeated, and a treaty was dictated by Younghusband on Tibet. The Treaty secured monopoly-trading privileges in Tibet for the British. Thutob Namgyal was succeeded by his son Sidekong Tulku in 1914. Unfortunately he did not live long and died in the same year. He was succeeded by his half brother Tashi Namgyal who promulgated many reforms in the state.
In 1947 when India became independent, Tashi Namgyal was successful in getting a special status of protectorate for Sikkim. This was in face of stiff resistance from local parties like Sikkim State Congress who wanted a democratic setup and accession of Sikkim to the Union of India. between India and Sikkim ratified the status of Sikkim as a protectorate with Chogyal as the Monarch. Tashi Namgyal died in 1963 and was succeeded by his son Palden Thondup Namgyal. By the beginning of 1970 there were rumbling in the political ranks and file of the State, which demanded the removal of Monarchy and the establishment of a democratic setup. This finally culminated in wide spread agitation against Sikkim Durbar in 1973.There was a complete collapse in the administration. The Indian Government tried to bring about a semblence of order in the state by appointing a Chief administrator Mr. B. S. Das. Further events and election led to Sikkim becoming transformed from a protectorate to an associate State. On 4th September 1947, the leader of Sikkim Congress, Kazi Lendup Dorji was elected as the Chief Minister of the state. The Chogyal however still remained as the constitutional figure head monarch in the new setup. Mr. B. B. Lal was the first Governor of Sikkim.
Events leading to the confrontation between the Chogyal and the popular Government caused Sikkim to become a full-fledged 22nd state of the Indian Union on 16th may 1975. The institution of Chogyal was subsequently abolished.
Since then Sikkim has been a state of the Indian Union like any other state. The 1979 assembly election saw Mr. Nar Bahadur Bhandari being elected as the Chief Minister of Sikkim. He has been returned to office in the election held in 1984 and 1989. In 1994 assembly election
Mr. Pawan Kumar Chamling became the fifth Chief Minister of Sikkim.
source: Barun Roy
BY DR. GOVIND P. THAPA
Sikkim was inhabited in pre-historic times by three tribes namely Naong, Chang and the Mon. The Lepcha who entered Sikkim sometimes later absorbed them completely. The origin of Lepchas is shrouded in mistery but it seems that they belonged to the clan of the Nagas of the Mikir, Garo and Khasia hills which lie to the south of the Bramaputra valley. Some believe they came from somewhere on the borders of Tibet and Burma. According to their own tradition they came to Sikkim from the east in company with Jindaxs, who went to Nepal and shared their tradition. The Lepchas were a very peace loving people, deeply religious and shy, which characteristics they still have retained. They were in fact the children of nature, and worshipped nature or spirits of nature. These Lepcha lived quite close to the nature by way of leading sustenance. Some of them practiced shifting cultivation and raised grains like maize and millets. They led a tribal life at the beck and call of their tribal leader.
The credit of organizing them into some sort of a society goes to a person called Tur ve pa no. He was eventually elected leader of king called “Punu” sometimes in A. D. 1400. He was killed in a battle and was succeeded by three Kings – Tur Song Pa No, Tur Aeng Pa No and Tur Alu Pa No. The monarchy came to an end with the death of the last king. The Lepchas now resorted to the practice of electing a leader whose advice and counsel was sought on crucial matters and followed. The Tibetan migration in early 17th century led the Rongs to shift their habitats so as to avoid conflict. Meanwhile the struggle and conflicts among the followers of the “Yellow hats” and the “Red hats” in Tibet forced the latter to seek refuge in Sikkim, where they attained the status of aristocracy. Being aggressive they occupied lands, which was not registered by the docile Lepchas. These Tibetan migrants (the Bhutias as they came to be known) who were followers of the sect of ‘Red Hats’ now tried to convert these Sikkimese “Worshippers of nature” to Buddhism. They succeeded to some extent, though the Lepchas tried to keep themselves aloof as far as possible. In order to avoid any possible opposition from the Lepchas, these immigrants now chose one venerable person Phuntsok Namgyal as the temporal and spiritual leader of Sikkim, whose ancestry they traced from a legendary prince, who founded the Kingdom of Minvang in eastern Tibet in 9th century A.D. This dynasty ruled in the Chumbi and Teesta valley for a long time.
Somewhere in the Thirteenth century a prince named Guru Tashi of Minyang dynasty in Tibethad a divine vision that he should go south to seek his fortune in “Denzong- the valley of rice”. As directed by the divine vision he along with his family, which included five sons, headed in the southern direction. The family during their wandering came across the Sakya Kingdom in which a monastery was being built at that time. The workers had not been successful in erecting pillars for the monastery. The elder son of Guru Tashi raised the pillar single handedly and thereby came to be known as “Kheye Bumsa” meaning the superior of ten thousand heroes.
The Sakya King offered his daughter in marriage to Khye Bumsa. Guru Tashi subsequently died and Khye Bumsa settled in Chumbi Valley and it was here that he established contacts with the Lepcha Chieftain Thekong Tek in Gangtok. Khye Bumsa being issueless went to Sikkim in the 13th century to seek the blessing of Thekong Tek who was also a religious leader. Khye Bumsa was not only blessed with three sons by the Rong chief but he also prophesied that his successors would be the rulers of Sikkim. Out of gratitude Khye Bumsa visited Thekong Tek a number of times. In due course of times the relationship ultimately culminated in a treaty of brotherhood between the two Chieftains at a place called Kabi Longtsok. This treaty brought about new ties of brotherhood between the Lepchas and the Bhutias.
Mipon Rab the third son of Khye Bumsa assumed the Chief-Ship after the death of his father. He had sons and the four principal clans of Sikkim are said to have sprung from these four sons. The fourth son Guru Tashi succeeded Mipon Rab and shifted to Gangtok. On the other hand after the death of Thekong Tek the Lepchas broke into minor clans. They also gradually turned to Guru Tashifor protection and leadership. Guru Tashi appointed a Lepcha, Sambre as his chief adviser and lieutenant. Guru Tashi’s rule marked the absorption of the foreign ruling house into the native soil and also paved a way for a regular monarchy. This way Guru Tashi became the first ruler of Sikkim and was crowned as such. He was followed by Jowo Nagpo, Jowo Apha and Guru Tenzing who pursued the policy creating progressively amicable relation with Lepchas.
Phuntsok (or penchu) Namgyal was the next ruler. He was Guru Tenzing’s son (great grandson of Guru Tashi) and was born in 1604. Phuntsok Namgyal’s crowning was charged with all the vivid fantacy and miraculous phenomenon that is befitting to so important an occasion. Three venerable lamas are said to have entered sikkim from three different direction direction at the same time. They met at Yoksam (meaning three wise men) and began a debate on the desirability of having a temporal and religious head to rule over pagan Sikkim. Two of the lamas furthered their own claims but the third lama reminded them of the prophecy of Guru Padamsambhava that a man coming from east and Phuntsok by name would rule Sikkim. It was also told that none of them came from east hence the real man must be looked for. Messengers were sent to seek Phuntsok. Near Gangtok the desired youngman was found and lamas lost no time in crowning him the king. They seated him on a nearby rock slab and sprinkled water on him from the sacred urn. He was given one of Lhatsun Chenpo’s (the lama told about prophecy) names, Namgyal, and the title of Chogyal or religious king. It happened in the year 1642. The Namgyal dynasty ruled over Sikkim as hereditary kings for about 332 years.
Phuntsok Namgyal, the first consecrated ruler ruled over a vast territory, many times the size of present Sikkim. His kingdom touched Thang La in the Tibet in the north, Tagong La near Paro in Bhutan in the east and the Titalia on the borders of West Bengal and Bihar in the south. The western border Timar Chorten on the Timar river in Nepal. Phuntsok though a distant descendant of Indrabodhi was now a Bhutia by his domicile. He was persuaded by the lamas enthroning him as Chogyal (Heavenly king or king who rules with righteousness) to seek recognition from Dalai Lama of Tibet. The Dalai Lama recognized Phuntsok Namgyal as the ruler of the southern slopes of the Himalayas (Sikkim) and is also credited to have sent ceremonial present such as the silken scarf bearing Dalai Lama’s seal, the mitre(hat) of the Guru Rimpoche, the devil dagger (Phurpa) and the most precious sand image of the Guru. Consequently, the newly established Bhutia principality of Namgyal Dynasty was tied to Tibetan theocracy. Since then up to 19th century, the Bhutia rulers of Sikkim looked up to Tibet for protection against political foes. Phuntsok Namgyal proved to be an efficient and capable administrator. He divided his kingdom into twelve Dzongs i.e. districts and appointed Dzongpana i.e. governor for each. He also declared Mahayana Buddhism as the state religion, which continued to be the state religion under all the Namgyal rulers. He very tactfully kept the lepchas, Bhutias and Limbus together. The Governors were appointed from the lepchas who were then in majority. Since Yatung the greatest commercial Tibetan center being nearer to Gangtok posed some danger, he shifted his capital to Yoksom.
Phunstok Namgyal and the three saints immediately got to the task of successfully bringing the Lepcha tribes under the Buddhist fold. Politically, sikkim expanded its borders, which include Chumbi valley, the present Darjeeling district and a part of present-day Nepal and Bhutan. The capital of sikkim was established in Yoksam itself.
Tensung Namgyal succeded his father Phuntsok Namgyal in 1670 and moved his capital to Rabdentse. He had three wives – a Tibetan, a Bhutanese and Limbu girl. The latter was the daughter of the Limbu chief Yo Yo-Hang. The chief’s daughter brought with her seven girls who were later on married into important families of Sikkim. Many of them rose to the rank of councilors to the King. These councilors later on came to be known as Kazis who enjoyed immense power and privileges.
Chador Namgyal a minor son from Tensung’s second wife succeeded on the death of his father. Pedi the daughter from the first wife who came from Bhutan challenged the succession and invited Bhutanese intervention. Having come to know about this secret move Yungthing Yeshe a loyal minister took the minor king to Lhasa. During his asylum in Lhasa, Chador Namgyal distinguished himself in Buddhist learning and Tibetan literature. By dint of his acumen and scholarship he rose to the position of state astrologer to the Sixth Dalai Lama. The Dalai Lama was so much pleased with the erudition of this young scholar that he bestowed high honors and titles on the young king. The young king also received an estate in central Tibet with sovereign rights. On the other hand Bhutanese forces had captured the Rabdentse palace and imprisoned the son of Yugthing Yeshe. But on the intervention of Tibet, King Deb of Bhutan withdrew. Chador Namgyal came back and drove out the rest of Bhutanese forces. The south-eastern tract was, however, lost to sikkim as it had been heavily colonized by then. The Bhutanese after a short while made a second attempt to capture Sikkim territory. Chador Namgyal gave a tough resistance but areas now called as Kalimpong and Rhenock were lost forever. Chador was himself religious and took steps for the propagation of Buddhist religion in his territory. He commanded that the second of every three sons of Bhutia family must be ordained a monk of the Pemiongchi Monastery, which was also open to the Tsongs. He not only built the Guru Lhakhang Tashiding (1715) and patronised the sacred places but also adapted the religious dances (mystery plays) to keep alive the martial and native traditions and invented an alphabet for the Lepchas. However, Pedi the half sister of the ruler did not reconcile. She conspired with a Tibetan man of medicine and caused Chador Namgyal’s death by way of blood letting from a main artery while the king was holidaying at Ralang hot water spring in 1716. A force was sent to Namchi, the doctor was executed and Pedi was strangled to death by a silk scarf.
Gyurmed Namgyal succeeded his father Chador. Consequently upon a Mongol (Dzungar) invasion on Tibet to persecute Nyingma sect, the Mindoling Abbot’s sister. In his times the people were forced to work on the fortification of Rabdentse in the fear of Gurkhas and Bhutanese raids. Many Tsongs who were not prepared to yield to forced labour fled to Limbuana, which became a rebel district and broke away from Sikkim even earlier to Gurkha expansion. A boundary dispute with Bhutan also arose. The Magar Chieftain Tashi Bidur also revolted, though he was subdued. Limbuana was, however, lost to Nepal. Gyurmed had no issue but while on his death bed at the age of 26 (1733) gave out that a nun in Sanga Choling was carrying his child. But some people do not believe it. It is said, he was impotent and generally shunned his wife.
Therefore, the story goes that in order to keep the Namgyal Dynasty going, the lama priest of Sikkim concocted a story that a nun was carrying the child of the King. Fortunately the nun delivered a male child and he was accepted as heir to Gyurmed. He was named as Phuntsok after the first temporal and the spiritual head of Sikkim.
Phuntsok Namgyal II was opposed by many people including some Bhutias on the plea of illegitimacy. Tamdang a close confident and treasurer of Gyurmed not only opposed the succession but assured the powers of the ruler and continued to rule Sikkim for three years inspite of the opposition by pro-king faction. The Lepchas backed the baby king and fought the pretender under the leadership of Chandzod Karwang. Tamdang was defeated and fled to Tibet to seek guidance and help. But to keep Sikkim under their Tutelage the Tibetan authorities favoured the minority of the king. A convention representing all shades of Sikkimese population was held which defined the functions, powers and responsibilities of the Government. The system of annual taxation was also introduced to augment the state treasury. The Magar tribe, lost its chieftain during this time and asked the regent to appoint the deceased’s son as chieftain. But the regent expressed his inability to comply with their demand. This act enraged the Magars who sought the help and protection from Bhutan. This way Sikkim lost Magars allegiance forever. In the year 1752 the Tsongs rose in arms, but were subdued and won over by tactfully by Chandzod Karwang. The rise of Gurkhas also posed a threat for Sikkim. The later years of Phuntsok II witnessed Gurkhas inroads in Sikkim under the leadership of Raja Prithvi Narayan Shah of Nepal who formented the rebellious elements in Sikkim. Bhutan also invaded Sikkim and captured all area east of Tista, but withdrew to present frontiers after negotiation at Rhenock. The Gurkha inroads were beaten back seventeen times. A peace treaty with Nepal was signed in 1775, and Gurkhas promised to abstain from further attacks and collaboration with Bhutanese. But the Gurkhas at a later stage violated the treaty and occupied the land in western Sikkim. Phuntsok II had three queens but had a son Tenzing Namgyal from his second queen in 1769.
Tenzing Namgyal succeeded Phuntsok Namgyal in 1780. During the reign of Tenzing Namgyal, Nepali forces occupied large chunks of Sikkim territory. They attacked Rabdantse and the Chogyal had to flee to Tibet. The Nepalis excursions emboldened them to penetrate even into Tibet. This led to the Chinese intervention and Nepal was defeated. In the Sino-Nepal treaty, Sikkim lost some of its land to Nepal, but monarchy was allowed to be restored in the country. Tenzing Namgyal died in Lhasa and his son Tsudphud Namgyal was sent to Sikkim in 1793 to succeed him as the monarch. Rabdantse was now, considered too insecure because of its proximity to the Nepal border and Tshudphund Namgyal shifted the capital to a place called Tumlong.
The defeat of Nepal by the Chinese did little to weaken the expansionist designs of the Nepalese. They continued to make attacks into the neighbouring British territories and Sikkim. British India successfully befriended Sikkim. They felt that by doing so the expanding powers of the Gorkhas would be curtailed. British also looked forward to establishing trade link with Tibet and it was felt that the route through Sikkim was the most feasible one. War between Nepal and British India broke out in 1814 and came to an end in 1816 with the defeat of the Nepalis and the subsequent signing of the Treaty of Sugauli. As a direct spin-off, British India signed another treaty with Sikkim in 1817 known as the Treaty of Titalia in which former territories, which the Nepalis captured, were restored to Sikkim. H. H. Risley writes in the Gazette of Sikkim, 1894, that by the Treaty of Titalia British India has assumed the position of Lord’s paramount of Sikkim and a title to exercise a predominant influence in that State has remained undisputed.
The British became interested in Darjeeling both as a hill resort and an outpost from where Tibet and Sikkim would be easily accessible. Following a lot of pressure from the British, Sikkim finally gifted Darjeeling to British India on the understanding that a certain amount would be paid as annual subsidy to Sikkim. The gift deed was signed by the Chogyal Tsudphud Namgyal in 1835. The British appointed a superintendent in the ceded territory. The British however did not pay the compensation as had been stipulated and this led to a quick deterioration of relation between the two countries. There were also difference between the British Government and Sikkim over the status of people of Sikkim. Because of the increased importance of Darjeeling, many citizens of Sikkim mostly of the labor class started to settle there as British subjects. The migration disturbed the feudal lords in Sikkim who resorted to forcibly getting the migrants back to Sikkim. This annoyed the British Government, which considered these as acts of kidnapping of British citizens. The relations deteriorated to such an extent that when Dr. Campbell, the Superintendent of Darjeeling and Dr. Hooker visited Sikkim in connection with the latter’s botanical research, they were captured and imprisoned in 1849. The British issued an ultimatum and the two captives were released after a month of detention. In February 1850, an expedition was sent to Sikkim, which resulted in the stoppage of the annual grant of Rs. 6000/- to the Maharaja of Sikkim and also the annexation of Darjeeling and a great portion of Sikkim to British India.
Sikkim resorted to making attacks into British territories and it was in November 1860 that the British sent an expeditionary force to Sikkim. This force was driven back from Rinchenpong in Sikkim. A stronger force was sent in 1861 that resulted in the capture of the capital Tumlong and the signing of a Treaty between the British and Sikkimese the same year.
His son Sidekeong Namgyal succeeded Tsugphud Namgyal in 1863. The British Government started the payment of annual subsidy of Rs. 6000/- in 1850 for Darjeeling. In an attempt to keep good relation with Sikkim, the British enhanced the subsidy to Rs. 12000/- per annum.
Chogyal Sidekong Namgyal defied in 1874 issueless and was succeeded by his half brother Thutob Namgyal. There were serious difference between the Nepalese settlers and the original inhabitants of Sikkim and this led to British intervention. The settlement went in favour of the Nepali settlers and made Thutob Namgyal have ill feeling for the British. He retreated to Chumbi and became more aligned towards the Tibetans.
The British meanwhile were making concerted efforts to establish a trade links with Tibet and also imposed their influence. A delegation led by Colman Macaulay, Financial Secretary to the Bengal Government of British India was sent to Sikkim in 1884 to explore the possibility of establishing a trade route with Tibet through the Lachen Valley. This delegation visited Tumlong the capital where it met the Maharaja.
The Britishers started building of roads in Sikkim. This was viewed with suspicion by Tibet and in 1886, some Tibetan militia occupied Lingtu in sikkim near Jelepla pass. In May 1888, the Tibetans attacked Gnathang below Jelepla but were driven away. In September of the same year the British called for reinforcements and the Tibetans were pushed back from Lingtu. A memorial was built at Gnathang for the few British soldiers who died in the engagement.
The Britishers appointed Claude White as the first political officer in Sikkim in 1889 and Chogyal Thutob Namgyal was virtually under his supervision. Thutob Namgyal shifted the
capital from Tumlong to Gangtok in 1894. The Sir Thutob Namgyal Memorial (STNM) Hospital built in 1917 is named in the memory of Thutob Namgyal who died in 1914.
Alarmed by the growing Russian influence in Tibet and also to assert itself, the British sent an expedition led by Col. Younghusband to Lhasa via Jelepla in 1904. The expedition met with resistance from the Tibetan army, which was defeated, and a treaty was dictated by Younghusband on Tibet. The Treaty secured monopoly-trading privileges in Tibet for the British. Thutob Namgyal was succeeded by his son Sidekong Tulku in 1914. Unfortunately he did not live long and died in the same year. He was succeeded by his half brother Tashi Namgyal who promulgated many reforms in the state.
In 1947 when India became independent, Tashi Namgyal was successful in getting a special status of protectorate for Sikkim. This was in face of stiff resistance from local parties like Sikkim State Congress who wanted a democratic setup and accession of Sikkim to the Union of India. between India and Sikkim ratified the status of Sikkim as a protectorate with Chogyal as the Monarch. Tashi Namgyal died in 1963 and was succeeded by his son Palden Thondup Namgyal. By the beginning of 1970 there were rumbling in the political ranks and file of the State, which demanded the removal of Monarchy and the establishment of a democratic setup. This finally culminated in wide spread agitation against Sikkim Durbar in 1973.There was a complete collapse in the administration. The Indian Government tried to bring about a semblence of order in the state by appointing a Chief administrator Mr. B. S. Das. Further events and election led to Sikkim becoming transformed from a protectorate to an associate State. On 4th September 1947, the leader of Sikkim Congress, Kazi Lendup Dorji was elected as the Chief Minister of the state. The Chogyal however still remained as the constitutional figure head monarch in the new setup. Mr. B. B. Lal was the first Governor of Sikkim.
Events leading to the confrontation between the Chogyal and the popular Government caused Sikkim to become a full-fledged 22nd state of the Indian Union on 16th may 1975. The institution of Chogyal was subsequently abolished.
Since then Sikkim has been a state of the Indian Union like any other state. The 1979 assembly election saw Mr. Nar Bahadur Bhandari being elected as the Chief Minister of Sikkim. He has been returned to office in the election held in 1984 and 1989. In 1994 assembly election
Mr. Pawan Kumar Chamling became the fifth Chief Minister of Sikkim.
source: Barun Roy
Thursday, 10 December 2009
Dynamics & politics of Nepali language
JAINENDRA JEEVAN
Be they real or perceived or fabricated, language related disputes and controversies are always emotionally charging. History is witness to several instances of intentional discrimination against or systematic killing of languages pursued and practiced by colonial masters, parochial native rulers and dictatorial regimes. In neighboring erstwhile East Pakistan sheer discrimination against the Bengali speaking majority and their language by the then West Pakistani rulers gave birth to a bloody mass uprising that brought a new nation, Bangladesh, to dawn. Another neighbor, the protectorate state of Bhutan, has gone one step further- the Jonkha rulers there have been systematically executing their plan to annihilate Nepali language, mother tongue of half of its population.
On the other hand, what is equally true is that accusations of linguistic discrimination are often tools used by politicians to achieve their political objectives; they are frequently invented, concocted and exaggerated by politicians and ethno-linguistic lobby groups to serve their divisive politics. In our country too some people have been raising controversies with regard to the place of Nepali language vis-à-vis various regional/local languages; they have been blaming the state for its ‘discriminatory’ policies and practices in favor of Nepali, ever since the nation was unified, as sole reason for its expansion. However, this is not true. For, had this been true, Nepali would never have been the lingua franca or mother language - both natural and adopted - of all Nepali communities living outside Nepal. Sikkim, Darjeeling, Bhutan, Assam, Manipur, Dehradun, Myanmar and several recent destinations of Nepali Diasporas are all cases in point. There were/are no ‘Khas monopolists’ as rulers to impose Nepali language in those places/countries. Or are there?
There were/ are no ‘Khas monopolists’ as rulers to impose Nepali language outside Nepal.In fact, the truth is that in many cases language, according to its strength, finds its own place irrespective of the wishes of the rulers or conquerors. English language conquered the world not only because the Englishmen conquered the world more than any other colonizers did; it is true that the British reached or conquered almost all continents where they promoted their language while the French were confined to Indo-China and North & Central Africa and the Spaniards were limited to South America. But, it is also equally true that English is the most marketable of all languages as it is the treasure of every wisdom from arts to commerce to science to international diplomacy to internet. During the second half of the 20th century people were attracted to learn Japanese and Arabic; the attraction has switched to Chinese these days. The reason, those were/are the most marketable language after English.
Same principle applies to Nepali language as well. In Nepal, Nepali is the number 1 language not only because the unifiers and rulers of the nation were Nepali speakers who allegedly promoted the language, or not only because it is the mother tongue of the majority ( over 48 percent of the population), but also because it offers better prospects of market than any other language spoken within the country. Furthermore, it is the (only) lingua-franca of the whole Nepali race, whether within the boundaries of Nepal or outside, as no two Nepali having different mother tongues can communicate between them without speaking Nepali.
Countries like Canada, where 70 percent speak English and 30 percent French, are officially bilingual; similarly, countries like Malaysia, where 65 percent speak Malay, 26 percent Chinese and 8 percent Tamil, are officially trilingual. Nepal cannot adopt those models as we don’t have just a few blocks of bigger linguistic communities the way they have. We have hundreds of small groups who speak their own language and who demand that their language be made official, thanks to the populism of our politicians. Maithali, the language that trails as number 2 after Nepali, is spoken by only two ninths of the Nepali speaking population. The fact is that, for reasons of gaps and asymmetry, no other language is in a position to replace Nepali. Because of the ethno-linguistic mosaic and the population mix that we have, we cannot copy even the Indian ‘trilingual formula’ based on federal states formed along linguistic lines.
Yes, all languages spoken within Nepal are our proud heritage; they are valued assets of our nation and our civilization and as such deserve conservation and protection. States should never discriminate for and against any language. But, despite the noblest of intentions states alone cannot save weaker languages from extinction - this is reality, albeit painful. Certainly, we can do more and we should. To start with, we can add the use of local languages in all local level government correspondence; we can encourage the use of those languages as medium of teaching in schools as much as possible and feasible. And of course, without much politicking we should explore other areas of use to promote local languages on a sustainable basis.
jeevan1952@hotmail.com
source:myrepublica.com
JAINENDRA JEEVAN
Be they real or perceived or fabricated, language related disputes and controversies are always emotionally charging. History is witness to several instances of intentional discrimination against or systematic killing of languages pursued and practiced by colonial masters, parochial native rulers and dictatorial regimes. In neighboring erstwhile East Pakistan sheer discrimination against the Bengali speaking majority and their language by the then West Pakistani rulers gave birth to a bloody mass uprising that brought a new nation, Bangladesh, to dawn. Another neighbor, the protectorate state of Bhutan, has gone one step further- the Jonkha rulers there have been systematically executing their plan to annihilate Nepali language, mother tongue of half of its population.
On the other hand, what is equally true is that accusations of linguistic discrimination are often tools used by politicians to achieve their political objectives; they are frequently invented, concocted and exaggerated by politicians and ethno-linguistic lobby groups to serve their divisive politics. In our country too some people have been raising controversies with regard to the place of Nepali language vis-à-vis various regional/local languages; they have been blaming the state for its ‘discriminatory’ policies and practices in favor of Nepali, ever since the nation was unified, as sole reason for its expansion. However, this is not true. For, had this been true, Nepali would never have been the lingua franca or mother language - both natural and adopted - of all Nepali communities living outside Nepal. Sikkim, Darjeeling, Bhutan, Assam, Manipur, Dehradun, Myanmar and several recent destinations of Nepali Diasporas are all cases in point. There were/are no ‘Khas monopolists’ as rulers to impose Nepali language in those places/countries. Or are there?
There were/ are no ‘Khas monopolists’ as rulers to impose Nepali language outside Nepal.In fact, the truth is that in many cases language, according to its strength, finds its own place irrespective of the wishes of the rulers or conquerors. English language conquered the world not only because the Englishmen conquered the world more than any other colonizers did; it is true that the British reached or conquered almost all continents where they promoted their language while the French were confined to Indo-China and North & Central Africa and the Spaniards were limited to South America. But, it is also equally true that English is the most marketable of all languages as it is the treasure of every wisdom from arts to commerce to science to international diplomacy to internet. During the second half of the 20th century people were attracted to learn Japanese and Arabic; the attraction has switched to Chinese these days. The reason, those were/are the most marketable language after English.
Same principle applies to Nepali language as well. In Nepal, Nepali is the number 1 language not only because the unifiers and rulers of the nation were Nepali speakers who allegedly promoted the language, or not only because it is the mother tongue of the majority ( over 48 percent of the population), but also because it offers better prospects of market than any other language spoken within the country. Furthermore, it is the (only) lingua-franca of the whole Nepali race, whether within the boundaries of Nepal or outside, as no two Nepali having different mother tongues can communicate between them without speaking Nepali.
Countries like Canada, where 70 percent speak English and 30 percent French, are officially bilingual; similarly, countries like Malaysia, where 65 percent speak Malay, 26 percent Chinese and 8 percent Tamil, are officially trilingual. Nepal cannot adopt those models as we don’t have just a few blocks of bigger linguistic communities the way they have. We have hundreds of small groups who speak their own language and who demand that their language be made official, thanks to the populism of our politicians. Maithali, the language that trails as number 2 after Nepali, is spoken by only two ninths of the Nepali speaking population. The fact is that, for reasons of gaps and asymmetry, no other language is in a position to replace Nepali. Because of the ethno-linguistic mosaic and the population mix that we have, we cannot copy even the Indian ‘trilingual formula’ based on federal states formed along linguistic lines.
Yes, all languages spoken within Nepal are our proud heritage; they are valued assets of our nation and our civilization and as such deserve conservation and protection. States should never discriminate for and against any language. But, despite the noblest of intentions states alone cannot save weaker languages from extinction - this is reality, albeit painful. Certainly, we can do more and we should. To start with, we can add the use of local languages in all local level government correspondence; we can encourage the use of those languages as medium of teaching in schools as much as possible and feasible. And of course, without much politicking we should explore other areas of use to promote local languages on a sustainable basis.
jeevan1952@hotmail.com
source:myrepublica.com
The Gorkhas - Sons of the Soil, Pride of the Nation
Many people have amisconception about the Gorkhas in India - that they are foreigners and have migrated from Nepal. There could not be a greater mistake than this. The Gorkhas are in fact the aborigines of India and they can trace their history back to ancient times. The Gorkha community is the product of Indo-Aryan and Mongoloid assimilation from ages past. As a linguistic group they can trace their origin back to Indo-Aryan and Tibeto-Burman beginnings. In fact the Gorkhas consist of both Indo-Aryan and Mongoloid racial groups.
In the Mahabharata and Manusmriti names of Khasa are mentioned. They are in fact the Gorkhas. The Gorkhas spoke the language then known as Khaskura Khasas as a community existed in Nepal which it later changed to another ethnic name. The Lichchhavis, one of the aboriginal tribes of India originally lived in the plains of present Nepal. During the early centuries, the Gorkhas, the aboriginal tribe in India, migrated to Nepal and established themselves there. Other groups from India also migrated to Nepal which comprised high caste Hindus.
During the Muslim invasion of India in which they occupied part of North India from the eleventh century to the sixteenth century, many Indian tribes from the plains of India migrated to Nepal for the security and safety of their religion and culture. These migrants to Nepal were mainly of high castes and powerful groups, and they themselves established their kingdoms and principalities. You can safely deduce that the major part of the population of Nepal came from India who later came to be known as Gorkhas. In fact, the Shah dynasty which ruled Nepal for almost 240 years was from Rajasthan.
Besides this, there were the Kiratas or Mongoloid Gorkhas also, who were invited by the Mughal kings to be enlisted in the Mughal army. They were called Muglane. Later, this word became synonymous for any one who left India and went to India. Those Gorkhas who joined the army of Maharaja Ranjit Singh in Lahore were known as the Lahure. These terms are still in use in army circles.
In Nepal, during the eighteenth century, the king of Gorkha district (one principality was known by this name) became very powerful and its ruler, Prithvi Narayan Shah, began expanding the Gorkha kingdom. He conquered many small principalities such as the Baise Rajyas and Chaubisiya Rajyas. Prithvi Narayan became very powerful and he looked towards the east to establish his hegemony. He invaded the Kathmandu valley and annexed it. He moved his capital from Gorkha to Kathmandu and called his dynasty the Shah dynasty. This was in 1768. The conquest of the Kathmandu valley increased his thirst for more and he invaded the kingdoms of east Nepal. He conquered them in 1789 and annexed part of eastern Sikkim. He looked west and he had very brilliant generals who added the kingdoms in the west including the areas of present Uttaranchal, part of Himachal Pradesh and some parts of Kashmir too.
In the meantime, the British East India Company had conquered Bengal in 1788. Instead of focusing on trade, they began to conquer kingdoms and were advancing towards northern India and were finding the expansion of Nepal in conflict with their interests. The British were looking for a trade route to do business with Tibet and Nepal was a hindrance to their plan. It also posed a hurdle in their plans of annexing Punjab where Ranjit Singh was ruling. A war broke out between the East India Company and Nepal which lasted for three years (1812-1815). Although the Gorkhas showed great bravery, they could not withstand a larger and better trained army with modern weapons. In the battle of Khalanga, near Dehradun, a British general was killed in the battle, and the British were very impressed by the bravery displayed by the Gorkhas. Along with a memorial for the brave dead general, they also left a plaque of appreciation of the commander and the army of the fort which had resisted the advance of the British. They left a moving tribute to the gallant Gorkhas and their leader Balabhadra Kunwar. The British also sent an expeditionary force to Kathmandu to bring the brave Gorkhas to their knees. The politics of the durbar was such that Nepal accepted defeat though the Nepali generals were not ready to surrender. This resulted in the Treaty of Sugauli in 1815 through which Nepal lost almost a third of its territory. All its western territories were taken over by the Company and in the east, the area Nepal had conquered from Sikkim was also ceded to the British.
While the negotiations were going on and the text of the treaty was being prepared, some British officers thought out a plan whereby the Gorkhas were to be recruited into the Company army which would be a great gain for the Company as they had been greatly impressed by Gorkha bravery. Moreover, the vanquished Gorkhas were in the conquered land. So they could be enlisted in the army without any hitch. The soldiers were called by the British officers and asked to join the British army while wearing their own Gorkha colours. The Gorkha soldiers met the vanquished Nepali general Amar Singh Thapa and asked as to what should be done. Amar Singh Thapa told the soldiers that they were now under Company land and they could join the British army. This happened before the Sugauli Treaty was signed in 1815. Thus the Gorkha soldiers became part of the Company’s Indian army from 1815. However, the vanquished soldiers of the fort of Khalanga, with its leader Balabhadra Kunwar went to Lahore to join the army of Maharaj Ranjit Singh and, as was expected, waited for the British to wreak vengeance on them when the British attacked the Punjab. Balabhadra and his compatriots died fighting the Afghans when Ranjit Singh ordered them to fight Afghanistan.
Gorkhas have insisted that they are not migrants to India. They say that they came to India along with their land, skills and culture. When one-third of Nepal was annexed by the British after the Anglo-Nepal War in 1815, the residents of that territory became subjects of the British East India Company. In 1857, when the crown took over India from the East India Company, the Gorkhas became citizens of British India and when India became Independent in 1947, they automatically became Indian citizens.
Page 2 of 2
The British raised the Gorkha army, the 1st Gorkha Rifles in 1815, the 2nd Gorkha Rifles on the same day and year, and the 3rd and 4th Gorkha Rifles were raised in 1857. The 5th Gorkha Rifles was raised some time later. In 1902, the 6th and 7th Gorkha Rifles were raised, and in 1903, the 8th Gorkha Rifles was raised. The 9th Gorkha Rifles was born in 1817 and the 10th Gorkha Rifles was raised in 1901. The Gorkha Regiment, the 11th Gorkha Rifles, was raised during World War I but was later disbanded. It was raised again by free India during the Indo-Pakistan war. During the time that the British quit India, the government of Britain and Jawaharlal Nehru’s new government agreed to split the Gorkha regiments. While India retained four regiments, Britain took the 2nd, 6th, 7th and 10th Gorkha Rifles to deploy them across its various colonies.
The East India Company returned the land conquered by Nepal from Sikkim in 1789 to the original Raja in 1817 under a special treaty of friendship concluded at Titalya. A decade later, the British found that Darjeeling, which constituted the area returned by the British to Sikkim in 1817, was very important in view of its weather and strategic location. So they got the Sikkim raja to cede this land to them. Later, the British added to this by taking over some territory as punitive measures against a reciltrant Raja. In 1865, Kalimpong was annexed by the Company from Bhutan and so a district was made. Since the climate of this District of Darjeeling was akin to England also. They made Darjeeling their summer town to escape from the respite of the cruel heat of the plains. A sizable population was already there but they were not enough. So the British brought native workers from Bhutan, Sikkim, Nepal and the plains of India to work their tea gardens, run shops, fill the secretariat of the district and the municipalities and provide a good quantity of labour. The population grew in no time and the Gorkhas were in majority. A population of 10,000 in 1850 grew to almost two and half lakhs by the end of the century. Schools were opened, trade developed and Darjeeling became a health resort town. Most of the Siliguri area had also been part of Sikkim. The present population of Darjeeling is around 10 lakh of which vast majorities are Gorkhas.
The Northeast: The Nepalese had relations with the people of India’s Northeast from ancient times. And after the Sugauli Sandhi of 1815, Gorkhas were recruited for Assam Light infantry which was formed in 1817 in Cuttack. The Gorkhas were brought to Assam and north-east regions to man the security forces, and after retirement the soldiers preferred to settle down there. In this way Gorkhas made the Northeast their home centuries ago. Migration for trade and employment also brought more Gorkhas to the region. At present, it is estimated that there are 52 lakh Gorkhas in the whole of the Northeast. The British gave the Gorkhas many amenities in these areas. The Gorkhas cultivated lands, tended cows for milk supply, cleared forest for agriculture and road making, established towns and bazaars. Besides, tea gardens developed in the Assam area and for these labourers were required in large number to run the factories going. The British did everything to lure the Gorkhas to new and pioneering areas of development in the North-East.
In this way, Nagaland, Manipur, Mizoram, Arunachal Pradesh, Meghalaya were populated by the Gorkhas and played substantive part of developing the area with the selfless service. Shillong became an army cantonment in the 1860s and the Gorkhas were stationed there. The presence of the Gorkhas there is evidenced by the establishment of the Gorkha Association in 1886. Furthermore presence of Gorkha Panchayat in 1932 at Gorkha Thakurbari Paltan Bazar Guwahati under the able leadership of Pahad Singh Gurung in today’s Nepali Mandir (AAGSU’s head office) establishes a fact Gorkhas were in majority in the virtual capital of North East since time immemorial. However due to continuous inflow of Nepali nationals from Nepal abiding Indo-Nepal Friendship treaty of 1950 strategically Gorkha Thakurbari came to known as Nepali Mandir after setting up of a Shiva Temple and the then Gorkha Panchayat was transformed into Nepali Mandir Prabhandhak Samitee. Today Radha Krishna Temple stands as Nepali Mandir the Gorkha Thakurbari area is known as Nepali Mandir.
Having been a part of Northeast society, many Gorkhas joined politics and many of them participated in the Freedom Struggle. Later many Gorkhas became members of the state assemblies too. Many good writers were born, fine poets composed their poems and many social leaders were produced by the North-East. To name a few Chabilal Upadhyay who had chaired the historic session of the then Assam Association in 1921 that gave birth to Assam Pradesh Congress Committee (APCC),Dalbeer Singh Lohar, Bhakta Bahadur Pradhan and Prasad Singh Subba were prominent freedom fighters of Assam. Today All Assam Gorkha Students’ Union (AAGSU) a major democratic Gorkha force which has been serving its fellow community men as federal army since 1976 is battling to establish these great patriots to create Gorkha identity politically and constitutionally in Assam. Thanks to the mainstream composite Assamese population for accepting Gorkhas as son of the soil, pride of the nation. The demand for Gorkha Autonomous Council (GAC)by giving birth to a political banner Gorkha Autonomous Council Demand Committee (GACDC) within the territory of Assam is a huge lift taken by AAGSU and supported by 28 other democratic community and students’ organizations is a giant leap
Other parts of India: Gorkhas have been residents in other parts of India for long periods. The fact that there is a Gorkha Welfare Association in Bangalore, Karnataka that was established in 1936 proves that Gorkhas were settled in south and west India much before Independence. Mumbai is home to a big number of Gorkhas. Even a city like Nagpur has a sizeable number of Gorkhas, who for decades, have been running the successful Gorkha Cooperative Society. The presence of Gorkhas in Jammu and Kashmir is established by the existence of the Gorkhanagar locality there. Punjab has a thriving Gorkha community, a throw back to the times when Sikh leader Ranjit Singh recruited them in large numbers in his army.
The district of Jalpaiguri was originally the part of the area taken over from Bhutan by the British in 1865. It was a suitable area for tea cultivation. Since labourers were required for this industry workers from Darjeeling, Sikkim and Bhutan and other parts of tribal area, mainly Bihar, congregated to fill the need of the labourers. Today too, there is a substantial Gorkha population in this district. This is one reason the demand for Gorkhaland includes the part that was originally a part of Bhutan.
Sikkim: The 1898 official Gazetteer of Sikkim records that there was substantial population of the Gorkhas in Sikkim. One of the Chhogyal had married a Limbu princes from Eastern Nepal and the princess had brought along with her as part of the dowry a quite a number of Limbu families. In time these Limbu families grew in number of sizable population. The Limbus are considered as one of the original inhabitants of Sikkim alongwith the Lepchas and the people of Tibetan origin. The Limbus are a group of the caste from Kirata clan and are included in the genus of the Gorkhas. The kings were not cruel as has been made to, comparatively, and the subjects not unhappily. However, the king had to abdicate in favour of the people opting for joining India in the seventies of the last century. At present it is the Gorkhas (they prefer to call themselves Sikkimese) form the majority of the population, and it has been Nepali leaders who have been chief ministers for sometime. The story of Sikkim is encouraging. The people gradually rose from the feudal system to a responsible government system now being citizens of India, and have been dedicated to the development of their state. Sikkim has produced some good political leaders, social leaders, litterateurs and experts in many fields. With the opening of many new colleges, high schools and now with a central Sikkim University, Sikkim has a bright future for accelerating development forward like the advanced state like Goa.
Darjeeling: The Gorkhas in Darjeeling, among all Gorkhas in India, have been perhaps the most vocal about their demands for long. Since 1907 the Gorkhas have felt their yoking together with Bengal was not appropriate. Various groups and political formations petitioned the government of the day in 1907, 1917, 1930, 1934, 1942, 1947 and 1952 seeking the divorce of Darjeeling and Dooars from Bengal and the creation of a separate state comprising Darjeeling district and parts of the Jalpaiguri district, even of Assam. The Gorkhas of Darjeeling led a massive all-India movement for the national recognition of the Nepali language in the 8th schedule of the Indian Constitution, a demand that first arose in 1956 in Dehradun but was taken on a national level by the Darjeeling-based All India Nepali Bhasa Samiti formed in 1972. The objective was achieved in 1992, but the Gorkhas had to struggle for forty years to achieve it. Different political parties since 1950 asked for a creation of state for the Gorkhas, and the movement for the state was quite intense. But unfortunately, only a local autonomy hill council calling it Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council was given in place of Gorkhaland. This Council had no power even to appoint a chowkidar, and every decision had to be approved by Calcutta. This did not fulfil the aspirations of the Gorkhas of Darjeeling and now a more intense movement for the creation of Gorkhaland has been going on with the support all the Gorkhas residing in other parts of India.
The other hub of the Gorkhas is the region straddling Himachal Pradesh and Uttarakhand. Dehradun is a cantonment area but there are 10 lakh Gorkhas who now live in the state of Uttarakhand, of which Dehradun is the capital. Musician, litterateurs, social workers and others have emerged from the region. Mitrasen Thapa was a musician par excellence and his achievements have been noted by the Indian Post and Telegraphs Department, which issued a commemorative postage stamp in his honour. Many INA soldiers were from this area, and two famous sons of India, Major Durga Malla and Dal Bahadur Thapa were executed by the British after the surrender of the INA in l945. Durga Malla was the first martyr who embraced the noose like a garland and said that it was better to die than be a coward. The British tried to entice Durga Malla to urging him to admit that he had been forced to join the INA by pro-independence leaders. But he resolutely refused to say so. The Government of India has installed a statue of Durga Malla on the premises of Parliament House in New Delhi. Another great son of the region was Captain Ram Singh Thakur. Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose had appointed him the official musician of the India National Army. Thakur composed many patriotic and popular songs. At the behest of the Netaji, he composed a song for the INA with the words Jana Gana Mana in Hindi. Later this music was used for Rabindra Nath Tagore’s Jana Gana Mana, adopted as the national anthem of India. It was Anand Singh Thapa of Dehradun who in 1956 wrote to the Government of India explaining and requesting the need and right of the nepali to find its place in the 8th Schedule of the Constitution.
Aribahadur Gurung, who was a leader of the Gorkha League in Darjeeling, was the representative of the Gorkhas in the Constituent Assembly in 1946. He was also a member of the drafting committee of the Indian Constitution. His signature graces the copy of the Indian Constitution which came into force in 1950.
Gorkhas has been living in India as true patriots and they have served faithfully in the army, security forces of varieties and other services.
It is estimated that there are ten million (one crore) Gorkhas in India who are the citizens of the country. They speak Nepali as their mother language. Nepali was recognised as a national language in 1992, while the Sahitya Akademi recognised Nepali as an advanced literary language of India as far back as 1974. Gorkhas have done the country proud as bureaucrats, litterateurs, sportsmen, film directors, politicians and social workers. And who can discount the vital role they play in protecting the country’s territory as the most valourous of Indian Armed Forces personnel? Yet they are looked upon often by the people and termed as foreigners. So the Gorkhas have risen up with a demand for a political identity which consists of a separate state of Gorkhaland and the need to participate in the process of nation building.
Nanda Kirati Dewan
Source: eastern panorama
Many people have amisconception about the Gorkhas in India - that they are foreigners and have migrated from Nepal. There could not be a greater mistake than this. The Gorkhas are in fact the aborigines of India and they can trace their history back to ancient times. The Gorkha community is the product of Indo-Aryan and Mongoloid assimilation from ages past. As a linguistic group they can trace their origin back to Indo-Aryan and Tibeto-Burman beginnings. In fact the Gorkhas consist of both Indo-Aryan and Mongoloid racial groups.
In the Mahabharata and Manusmriti names of Khasa are mentioned. They are in fact the Gorkhas. The Gorkhas spoke the language then known as Khaskura Khasas as a community existed in Nepal which it later changed to another ethnic name. The Lichchhavis, one of the aboriginal tribes of India originally lived in the plains of present Nepal. During the early centuries, the Gorkhas, the aboriginal tribe in India, migrated to Nepal and established themselves there. Other groups from India also migrated to Nepal which comprised high caste Hindus.
During the Muslim invasion of India in which they occupied part of North India from the eleventh century to the sixteenth century, many Indian tribes from the plains of India migrated to Nepal for the security and safety of their religion and culture. These migrants to Nepal were mainly of high castes and powerful groups, and they themselves established their kingdoms and principalities. You can safely deduce that the major part of the population of Nepal came from India who later came to be known as Gorkhas. In fact, the Shah dynasty which ruled Nepal for almost 240 years was from Rajasthan.
Besides this, there were the Kiratas or Mongoloid Gorkhas also, who were invited by the Mughal kings to be enlisted in the Mughal army. They were called Muglane. Later, this word became synonymous for any one who left India and went to India. Those Gorkhas who joined the army of Maharaja Ranjit Singh in Lahore were known as the Lahure. These terms are still in use in army circles.
In Nepal, during the eighteenth century, the king of Gorkha district (one principality was known by this name) became very powerful and its ruler, Prithvi Narayan Shah, began expanding the Gorkha kingdom. He conquered many small principalities such as the Baise Rajyas and Chaubisiya Rajyas. Prithvi Narayan became very powerful and he looked towards the east to establish his hegemony. He invaded the Kathmandu valley and annexed it. He moved his capital from Gorkha to Kathmandu and called his dynasty the Shah dynasty. This was in 1768. The conquest of the Kathmandu valley increased his thirst for more and he invaded the kingdoms of east Nepal. He conquered them in 1789 and annexed part of eastern Sikkim. He looked west and he had very brilliant generals who added the kingdoms in the west including the areas of present Uttaranchal, part of Himachal Pradesh and some parts of Kashmir too.
In the meantime, the British East India Company had conquered Bengal in 1788. Instead of focusing on trade, they began to conquer kingdoms and were advancing towards northern India and were finding the expansion of Nepal in conflict with their interests. The British were looking for a trade route to do business with Tibet and Nepal was a hindrance to their plan. It also posed a hurdle in their plans of annexing Punjab where Ranjit Singh was ruling. A war broke out between the East India Company and Nepal which lasted for three years (1812-1815). Although the Gorkhas showed great bravery, they could not withstand a larger and better trained army with modern weapons. In the battle of Khalanga, near Dehradun, a British general was killed in the battle, and the British were very impressed by the bravery displayed by the Gorkhas. Along with a memorial for the brave dead general, they also left a plaque of appreciation of the commander and the army of the fort which had resisted the advance of the British. They left a moving tribute to the gallant Gorkhas and their leader Balabhadra Kunwar. The British also sent an expeditionary force to Kathmandu to bring the brave Gorkhas to their knees. The politics of the durbar was such that Nepal accepted defeat though the Nepali generals were not ready to surrender. This resulted in the Treaty of Sugauli in 1815 through which Nepal lost almost a third of its territory. All its western territories were taken over by the Company and in the east, the area Nepal had conquered from Sikkim was also ceded to the British.
While the negotiations were going on and the text of the treaty was being prepared, some British officers thought out a plan whereby the Gorkhas were to be recruited into the Company army which would be a great gain for the Company as they had been greatly impressed by Gorkha bravery. Moreover, the vanquished Gorkhas were in the conquered land. So they could be enlisted in the army without any hitch. The soldiers were called by the British officers and asked to join the British army while wearing their own Gorkha colours. The Gorkha soldiers met the vanquished Nepali general Amar Singh Thapa and asked as to what should be done. Amar Singh Thapa told the soldiers that they were now under Company land and they could join the British army. This happened before the Sugauli Treaty was signed in 1815. Thus the Gorkha soldiers became part of the Company’s Indian army from 1815. However, the vanquished soldiers of the fort of Khalanga, with its leader Balabhadra Kunwar went to Lahore to join the army of Maharaj Ranjit Singh and, as was expected, waited for the British to wreak vengeance on them when the British attacked the Punjab. Balabhadra and his compatriots died fighting the Afghans when Ranjit Singh ordered them to fight Afghanistan.
Gorkhas have insisted that they are not migrants to India. They say that they came to India along with their land, skills and culture. When one-third of Nepal was annexed by the British after the Anglo-Nepal War in 1815, the residents of that territory became subjects of the British East India Company. In 1857, when the crown took over India from the East India Company, the Gorkhas became citizens of British India and when India became Independent in 1947, they automatically became Indian citizens.
Page 2 of 2
The British raised the Gorkha army, the 1st Gorkha Rifles in 1815, the 2nd Gorkha Rifles on the same day and year, and the 3rd and 4th Gorkha Rifles were raised in 1857. The 5th Gorkha Rifles was raised some time later. In 1902, the 6th and 7th Gorkha Rifles were raised, and in 1903, the 8th Gorkha Rifles was raised. The 9th Gorkha Rifles was born in 1817 and the 10th Gorkha Rifles was raised in 1901. The Gorkha Regiment, the 11th Gorkha Rifles, was raised during World War I but was later disbanded. It was raised again by free India during the Indo-Pakistan war. During the time that the British quit India, the government of Britain and Jawaharlal Nehru’s new government agreed to split the Gorkha regiments. While India retained four regiments, Britain took the 2nd, 6th, 7th and 10th Gorkha Rifles to deploy them across its various colonies.
The East India Company returned the land conquered by Nepal from Sikkim in 1789 to the original Raja in 1817 under a special treaty of friendship concluded at Titalya. A decade later, the British found that Darjeeling, which constituted the area returned by the British to Sikkim in 1817, was very important in view of its weather and strategic location. So they got the Sikkim raja to cede this land to them. Later, the British added to this by taking over some territory as punitive measures against a reciltrant Raja. In 1865, Kalimpong was annexed by the Company from Bhutan and so a district was made. Since the climate of this District of Darjeeling was akin to England also. They made Darjeeling their summer town to escape from the respite of the cruel heat of the plains. A sizable population was already there but they were not enough. So the British brought native workers from Bhutan, Sikkim, Nepal and the plains of India to work their tea gardens, run shops, fill the secretariat of the district and the municipalities and provide a good quantity of labour. The population grew in no time and the Gorkhas were in majority. A population of 10,000 in 1850 grew to almost two and half lakhs by the end of the century. Schools were opened, trade developed and Darjeeling became a health resort town. Most of the Siliguri area had also been part of Sikkim. The present population of Darjeeling is around 10 lakh of which vast majorities are Gorkhas.
The Northeast: The Nepalese had relations with the people of India’s Northeast from ancient times. And after the Sugauli Sandhi of 1815, Gorkhas were recruited for Assam Light infantry which was formed in 1817 in Cuttack. The Gorkhas were brought to Assam and north-east regions to man the security forces, and after retirement the soldiers preferred to settle down there. In this way Gorkhas made the Northeast their home centuries ago. Migration for trade and employment also brought more Gorkhas to the region. At present, it is estimated that there are 52 lakh Gorkhas in the whole of the Northeast. The British gave the Gorkhas many amenities in these areas. The Gorkhas cultivated lands, tended cows for milk supply, cleared forest for agriculture and road making, established towns and bazaars. Besides, tea gardens developed in the Assam area and for these labourers were required in large number to run the factories going. The British did everything to lure the Gorkhas to new and pioneering areas of development in the North-East.
In this way, Nagaland, Manipur, Mizoram, Arunachal Pradesh, Meghalaya were populated by the Gorkhas and played substantive part of developing the area with the selfless service. Shillong became an army cantonment in the 1860s and the Gorkhas were stationed there. The presence of the Gorkhas there is evidenced by the establishment of the Gorkha Association in 1886. Furthermore presence of Gorkha Panchayat in 1932 at Gorkha Thakurbari Paltan Bazar Guwahati under the able leadership of Pahad Singh Gurung in today’s Nepali Mandir (AAGSU’s head office) establishes a fact Gorkhas were in majority in the virtual capital of North East since time immemorial. However due to continuous inflow of Nepali nationals from Nepal abiding Indo-Nepal Friendship treaty of 1950 strategically Gorkha Thakurbari came to known as Nepali Mandir after setting up of a Shiva Temple and the then Gorkha Panchayat was transformed into Nepali Mandir Prabhandhak Samitee. Today Radha Krishna Temple stands as Nepali Mandir the Gorkha Thakurbari area is known as Nepali Mandir.
Having been a part of Northeast society, many Gorkhas joined politics and many of them participated in the Freedom Struggle. Later many Gorkhas became members of the state assemblies too. Many good writers were born, fine poets composed their poems and many social leaders were produced by the North-East. To name a few Chabilal Upadhyay who had chaired the historic session of the then Assam Association in 1921 that gave birth to Assam Pradesh Congress Committee (APCC),Dalbeer Singh Lohar, Bhakta Bahadur Pradhan and Prasad Singh Subba were prominent freedom fighters of Assam. Today All Assam Gorkha Students’ Union (AAGSU) a major democratic Gorkha force which has been serving its fellow community men as federal army since 1976 is battling to establish these great patriots to create Gorkha identity politically and constitutionally in Assam. Thanks to the mainstream composite Assamese population for accepting Gorkhas as son of the soil, pride of the nation. The demand for Gorkha Autonomous Council (GAC)by giving birth to a political banner Gorkha Autonomous Council Demand Committee (GACDC) within the territory of Assam is a huge lift taken by AAGSU and supported by 28 other democratic community and students’ organizations is a giant leap
Other parts of India: Gorkhas have been residents in other parts of India for long periods. The fact that there is a Gorkha Welfare Association in Bangalore, Karnataka that was established in 1936 proves that Gorkhas were settled in south and west India much before Independence. Mumbai is home to a big number of Gorkhas. Even a city like Nagpur has a sizeable number of Gorkhas, who for decades, have been running the successful Gorkha Cooperative Society. The presence of Gorkhas in Jammu and Kashmir is established by the existence of the Gorkhanagar locality there. Punjab has a thriving Gorkha community, a throw back to the times when Sikh leader Ranjit Singh recruited them in large numbers in his army.
The district of Jalpaiguri was originally the part of the area taken over from Bhutan by the British in 1865. It was a suitable area for tea cultivation. Since labourers were required for this industry workers from Darjeeling, Sikkim and Bhutan and other parts of tribal area, mainly Bihar, congregated to fill the need of the labourers. Today too, there is a substantial Gorkha population in this district. This is one reason the demand for Gorkhaland includes the part that was originally a part of Bhutan.
Sikkim: The 1898 official Gazetteer of Sikkim records that there was substantial population of the Gorkhas in Sikkim. One of the Chhogyal had married a Limbu princes from Eastern Nepal and the princess had brought along with her as part of the dowry a quite a number of Limbu families. In time these Limbu families grew in number of sizable population. The Limbus are considered as one of the original inhabitants of Sikkim alongwith the Lepchas and the people of Tibetan origin. The Limbus are a group of the caste from Kirata clan and are included in the genus of the Gorkhas. The kings were not cruel as has been made to, comparatively, and the subjects not unhappily. However, the king had to abdicate in favour of the people opting for joining India in the seventies of the last century. At present it is the Gorkhas (they prefer to call themselves Sikkimese) form the majority of the population, and it has been Nepali leaders who have been chief ministers for sometime. The story of Sikkim is encouraging. The people gradually rose from the feudal system to a responsible government system now being citizens of India, and have been dedicated to the development of their state. Sikkim has produced some good political leaders, social leaders, litterateurs and experts in many fields. With the opening of many new colleges, high schools and now with a central Sikkim University, Sikkim has a bright future for accelerating development forward like the advanced state like Goa.
Darjeeling: The Gorkhas in Darjeeling, among all Gorkhas in India, have been perhaps the most vocal about their demands for long. Since 1907 the Gorkhas have felt their yoking together with Bengal was not appropriate. Various groups and political formations petitioned the government of the day in 1907, 1917, 1930, 1934, 1942, 1947 and 1952 seeking the divorce of Darjeeling and Dooars from Bengal and the creation of a separate state comprising Darjeeling district and parts of the Jalpaiguri district, even of Assam. The Gorkhas of Darjeeling led a massive all-India movement for the national recognition of the Nepali language in the 8th schedule of the Indian Constitution, a demand that first arose in 1956 in Dehradun but was taken on a national level by the Darjeeling-based All India Nepali Bhasa Samiti formed in 1972. The objective was achieved in 1992, but the Gorkhas had to struggle for forty years to achieve it. Different political parties since 1950 asked for a creation of state for the Gorkhas, and the movement for the state was quite intense. But unfortunately, only a local autonomy hill council calling it Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council was given in place of Gorkhaland. This Council had no power even to appoint a chowkidar, and every decision had to be approved by Calcutta. This did not fulfil the aspirations of the Gorkhas of Darjeeling and now a more intense movement for the creation of Gorkhaland has been going on with the support all the Gorkhas residing in other parts of India.
The other hub of the Gorkhas is the region straddling Himachal Pradesh and Uttarakhand. Dehradun is a cantonment area but there are 10 lakh Gorkhas who now live in the state of Uttarakhand, of which Dehradun is the capital. Musician, litterateurs, social workers and others have emerged from the region. Mitrasen Thapa was a musician par excellence and his achievements have been noted by the Indian Post and Telegraphs Department, which issued a commemorative postage stamp in his honour. Many INA soldiers were from this area, and two famous sons of India, Major Durga Malla and Dal Bahadur Thapa were executed by the British after the surrender of the INA in l945. Durga Malla was the first martyr who embraced the noose like a garland and said that it was better to die than be a coward. The British tried to entice Durga Malla to urging him to admit that he had been forced to join the INA by pro-independence leaders. But he resolutely refused to say so. The Government of India has installed a statue of Durga Malla on the premises of Parliament House in New Delhi. Another great son of the region was Captain Ram Singh Thakur. Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose had appointed him the official musician of the India National Army. Thakur composed many patriotic and popular songs. At the behest of the Netaji, he composed a song for the INA with the words Jana Gana Mana in Hindi. Later this music was used for Rabindra Nath Tagore’s Jana Gana Mana, adopted as the national anthem of India. It was Anand Singh Thapa of Dehradun who in 1956 wrote to the Government of India explaining and requesting the need and right of the nepali to find its place in the 8th Schedule of the Constitution.
Aribahadur Gurung, who was a leader of the Gorkha League in Darjeeling, was the representative of the Gorkhas in the Constituent Assembly in 1946. He was also a member of the drafting committee of the Indian Constitution. His signature graces the copy of the Indian Constitution which came into force in 1950.
Gorkhas has been living in India as true patriots and they have served faithfully in the army, security forces of varieties and other services.
It is estimated that there are ten million (one crore) Gorkhas in India who are the citizens of the country. They speak Nepali as their mother language. Nepali was recognised as a national language in 1992, while the Sahitya Akademi recognised Nepali as an advanced literary language of India as far back as 1974. Gorkhas have done the country proud as bureaucrats, litterateurs, sportsmen, film directors, politicians and social workers. And who can discount the vital role they play in protecting the country’s territory as the most valourous of Indian Armed Forces personnel? Yet they are looked upon often by the people and termed as foreigners. So the Gorkhas have risen up with a demand for a political identity which consists of a separate state of Gorkhaland and the need to participate in the process of nation building.
Nanda Kirati Dewan
Source: eastern panorama
Wednesday, 9 December 2009
Number of Nepali domestic helps in Hong Kong dwindles
PURNA BASNET
HONG KONG, Dec 9: As new aspirants are being denied visa and those who have been staying are gradually switching over to other professions, Nepali domestic workers in Hong Kong are on the decline.
Four year ago, the number of Nepali female domestic helps here was about 2000. But the number of Nepali domestic workers has declined to 700. If this ban continues, there will hardly be any Nepali working here one and a half years from now.
“We are the fewest among foreign domestic helps,” said Maya Rai, president of Nepali Domestic Help Union Hong Kong. “We feel bad that Hong Kong wants to end our 20 years´ history here just like that.”
Nepali female domestic helps have not landed in Hong Kong since the visa ban came into effect in 2005. According to acting consular general of Nepal Sushil Lamsal, domestic helps get two years visa and after it expires, they either have to renew it with their employers or make a new agreement with another party within two weeks. If not, they are sent back home.
Workers from other countries can return to Hong Kong after finding another placement, but not Nepali workers. Most of the Nepali female domestic helps, therefore, marry Nepali nationals here to get residential permission. Some of those whose visas have expired have even been claiming refuge status under the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR).
A majority of domestic helps in Hong Kong are from Indonesia and the Philippines. As of last year, Philippines sent the largest number of domestic workers to Hong Kong but Indonesia has now outnumbered it by a margin of over 4000. According to Immigration Department of Hong Kong, the number of Indonesian domestic helps is 130,974, which is 49 percent of the total foreign domestic helps working here. Besides Indonesia and Philippines, Thailand, other countries sending domestic helps to Hong Kong are India, China and Nepal.
Domestic helps from Indonesia and Philippines mostly come here with necessary training. Most of the Filipino working here are graduates and can also communicate in English, whereas Indonesian government sends workers after teaching them Cantonese language, which is most preferred by Chinese employers.
Nepali workers generally lag behind due to lack of training and knowledge of the language, which is one of the chief reasons behind the visa ban.
Nepali domestic helps earn the trust of their employers through hard work and honesty. Of the remaining 700 Nepali domestic helps, about 500 work for humble Chinese households. “We land here without necessary training and most of us cannot even operate a rice-cooker and washing-machine,” said Rai, who learned Cantonese while working for a Chinese household for over 14 years. “But Chinese call us ´Lofoian Hou Lousat´, which means hardworking, and hence like us.”
The government has fixed a minimum salary of 3,580 Hong Kong dollars per month (equivalent to nearly 35000 in Nepali currency) to Nepali domestic workers. However, a number of Nepali workers from Nepal and other countries have often complained of not being paid salary on time.
Vice-president of the Union Shova Lama said that domestic workers often complain of over-work, poor accommodation, physical violence and sexual exploitation mostly by Nepali and Indian employers. “But we solve such problems immediately with the help of Labor Department,” she added.
However, women workers are said to have found Hong Kong a safe and secure place to work as compared to Gulf countries. “The employers generally do not misbehave with us here,” said Kamala Tumrok, who spends her weekly-off on Sundays meeting friends. “I found homemaking a nice job only after coming here.”
Indian women of Nepali origin from Darjeeling and Sikkim seem to have replaced Nepali domestic helps. They are mostly preferred in Nepali households. With little hope that visa ban will be lifted, Nepali women too have started entering Hong Kong carrying forged Indian passport via Indian cities.
PURNA BASNET
HONG KONG, Dec 9: As new aspirants are being denied visa and those who have been staying are gradually switching over to other professions, Nepali domestic workers in Hong Kong are on the decline.
Four year ago, the number of Nepali female domestic helps here was about 2000. But the number of Nepali domestic workers has declined to 700. If this ban continues, there will hardly be any Nepali working here one and a half years from now.
“We are the fewest among foreign domestic helps,” said Maya Rai, president of Nepali Domestic Help Union Hong Kong. “We feel bad that Hong Kong wants to end our 20 years´ history here just like that.”
Nepali female domestic helps have not landed in Hong Kong since the visa ban came into effect in 2005. According to acting consular general of Nepal Sushil Lamsal, domestic helps get two years visa and after it expires, they either have to renew it with their employers or make a new agreement with another party within two weeks. If not, they are sent back home.
Workers from other countries can return to Hong Kong after finding another placement, but not Nepali workers. Most of the Nepali female domestic helps, therefore, marry Nepali nationals here to get residential permission. Some of those whose visas have expired have even been claiming refuge status under the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR).
A majority of domestic helps in Hong Kong are from Indonesia and the Philippines. As of last year, Philippines sent the largest number of domestic workers to Hong Kong but Indonesia has now outnumbered it by a margin of over 4000. According to Immigration Department of Hong Kong, the number of Indonesian domestic helps is 130,974, which is 49 percent of the total foreign domestic helps working here. Besides Indonesia and Philippines, Thailand, other countries sending domestic helps to Hong Kong are India, China and Nepal.
Domestic helps from Indonesia and Philippines mostly come here with necessary training. Most of the Filipino working here are graduates and can also communicate in English, whereas Indonesian government sends workers after teaching them Cantonese language, which is most preferred by Chinese employers.
Nepali workers generally lag behind due to lack of training and knowledge of the language, which is one of the chief reasons behind the visa ban.
Nepali domestic helps earn the trust of their employers through hard work and honesty. Of the remaining 700 Nepali domestic helps, about 500 work for humble Chinese households. “We land here without necessary training and most of us cannot even operate a rice-cooker and washing-machine,” said Rai, who learned Cantonese while working for a Chinese household for over 14 years. “But Chinese call us ´Lofoian Hou Lousat´, which means hardworking, and hence like us.”
The government has fixed a minimum salary of 3,580 Hong Kong dollars per month (equivalent to nearly 35000 in Nepali currency) to Nepali domestic workers. However, a number of Nepali workers from Nepal and other countries have often complained of not being paid salary on time.
Vice-president of the Union Shova Lama said that domestic workers often complain of over-work, poor accommodation, physical violence and sexual exploitation mostly by Nepali and Indian employers. “But we solve such problems immediately with the help of Labor Department,” she added.
However, women workers are said to have found Hong Kong a safe and secure place to work as compared to Gulf countries. “The employers generally do not misbehave with us here,” said Kamala Tumrok, who spends her weekly-off on Sundays meeting friends. “I found homemaking a nice job only after coming here.”
Indian women of Nepali origin from Darjeeling and Sikkim seem to have replaced Nepali domestic helps. They are mostly preferred in Nepali households. With little hope that visa ban will be lifted, Nepali women too have started entering Hong Kong carrying forged Indian passport via Indian cities.
Tuesday, 8 December 2009
OPINION: Anti-India feelings – Demand for Greater Nepal
From India News Online
Article shared Abdul Kalam Ezani
The anti-India sentiment triggered by Bollywood film Chandni Chowk to China which was banned in Nepal [because it claimed Buddha was born in India and not Nepal] has stoked fresh demands for the recovery of the land acceded to India by Nepal nearly two centuries ago. As India celebrated its 60th Republic Day on Jan. 26, students staged a noisy protest outside the Indian Embassy in Kathmandu asking for the restoration of Greater Nepal. Led by a Nepali literature professor, Phanindra Nepal, the United Nepal National Front is asking India and Britain to separate certain areas from four Indian States and return them to Nepal since they were part of Nepal’s territory in the 19th century.
The roots of the movement for a Greater Nepal go back to the 19th century when Nepal fought a series of grim battles with the British who had turned their eyes towards the Himalayan kingdom after colonizing India. After several exhausting Anglo-Nepalese wars, Nepal narrowly averted conquest by agreeing to sign a treaty that however stripped it of almost one-third of its territory. The infamous Treaty of Sagauli signed in 1816 saw Nepal concede territory in Sikkim, Darjeeling and Siliguri which lie in India’s West Bengal State, and territory that now lies in India’s Himachal Pradesh and Uttaranchal. Nepal also lost tracks of fertile land in its southern terai plains but recovered that from the British later for helping the East India Company in1857 to put down the Indian rebellion against the colonial rulers.
Gorkhas win right to settle in Britain: Thousands of Gorkha soldiers and their families will be given the right to settle in Britain under a new policy to be announced by the Gordon Brown Government, according to a newspaper report. New settlement rights due to be announced could open the door to 36,000 Gorkhas who served in the British Army before 1997, THE TIMES reported. The British policy U-turn would follow a court ruling last year ordering the Government to review its policy on whether Gorkhas who had served before 1997 could live in Britain.
However, Nepal is understood to be concerned that the loss of so many citizens and their British Army pensions could leave a huge hole in its economy. Defence officials have warned the new policy might prompt Nepal to scrap a 1947 tripartite agreement between India, Nepal and Britain under which Gorkhas are recruited each year.
From India News Online
Article shared Abdul Kalam Ezani
The anti-India sentiment triggered by Bollywood film Chandni Chowk to China which was banned in Nepal [because it claimed Buddha was born in India and not Nepal] has stoked fresh demands for the recovery of the land acceded to India by Nepal nearly two centuries ago. As India celebrated its 60th Republic Day on Jan. 26, students staged a noisy protest outside the Indian Embassy in Kathmandu asking for the restoration of Greater Nepal. Led by a Nepali literature professor, Phanindra Nepal, the United Nepal National Front is asking India and Britain to separate certain areas from four Indian States and return them to Nepal since they were part of Nepal’s territory in the 19th century.
The roots of the movement for a Greater Nepal go back to the 19th century when Nepal fought a series of grim battles with the British who had turned their eyes towards the Himalayan kingdom after colonizing India. After several exhausting Anglo-Nepalese wars, Nepal narrowly averted conquest by agreeing to sign a treaty that however stripped it of almost one-third of its territory. The infamous Treaty of Sagauli signed in 1816 saw Nepal concede territory in Sikkim, Darjeeling and Siliguri which lie in India’s West Bengal State, and territory that now lies in India’s Himachal Pradesh and Uttaranchal. Nepal also lost tracks of fertile land in its southern terai plains but recovered that from the British later for helping the East India Company in1857 to put down the Indian rebellion against the colonial rulers.
Gorkhas win right to settle in Britain: Thousands of Gorkha soldiers and their families will be given the right to settle in Britain under a new policy to be announced by the Gordon Brown Government, according to a newspaper report. New settlement rights due to be announced could open the door to 36,000 Gorkhas who served in the British Army before 1997, THE TIMES reported. The British policy U-turn would follow a court ruling last year ordering the Government to review its policy on whether Gorkhas who had served before 1997 could live in Britain.
However, Nepal is understood to be concerned that the loss of so many citizens and their British Army pensions could leave a huge hole in its economy. Defence officials have warned the new policy might prompt Nepal to scrap a 1947 tripartite agreement between India, Nepal and Britain under which Gorkhas are recruited each year.
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